ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭

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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭

ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭

@Swizzopian

💚💚💚💚💚 💛💛🦁💛💛 ❤️❤️❤️❤️❤️ ዘብሔረ ተጕለት ወበቾ ወሀላው interested in languages, history, religion and politics ✝️ Retweets are not endorsements.

Katılım Ekim 2013
339 Takip Edilen170 Takipçiler
malu
malu@meowletty·
no more “abeg” “omo” or “yoh” on my tl starting today
Insider Wire@InsiderWire

#BREAKING: 𝕏 will soon let users restrict both posts and replies by region or country.

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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@Dsambo007 @draingangadulis I didn't say there weren't any ethnonyms used. But names like Tigretes or even Adulis are Hellenized. Habasha was translated as Aithiop[ia] not as Abissinoi or so. Therefore I believe that Habasha had an overarching meaning.
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𐩧𐩧
𐩧𐩧@draingangadulis·
Ahistorical slop. The appellative "Ethiopia" had already began to refer to modern day northern Ethiopia and Eritrea by the 4th century CE, and was used this way both by themselves and the foreigners who spoke of them, as we see here in volume one of Procopius's Wars. A short 🧵
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Mohanad@MohanadElbalal

Before World War II virtually every single historical mention of Ethiopia (A name originating from Greek) referred to Nubia. The Abyssinian (Habesha) rulers of this expanded indigenous African Empire needed a name for their New State that extended beyond their Habesha heartlands; they settled on Ethiopia; to give historical roots to their Empire turned modern State and it was that name that it was inducted in to the UN as. Ethiopian nationalists of course deny this vigorously they claim that the Country was named after a little known Abyssinian king (that may or may have not existed in the 15th Century) named Ityyop. The problem with this argument is that there are dozens of historical figures from the country that would have been more deserving of having the country named after them, than an inconsequential king that may have no existed. secondly if the intention was to name the State after this historical figure why was the State not named Ityyopia but Ethiopia as is spelled in the Bible in reference to Nubia and its kings. Basically our neighbours did a Macedonia on us but we’ve lost contact with so much of our history in Sudan that barely anyone noticed.

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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@HornLeftists It's Sudan's modern history and Egypt's Aswan Dam that have erased the history of Christianity in Sudan. The fact that Aksum was the first Christian Kingdom in the region is not the reason.
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Horn of Africa Leftists
Horn of Africa Leftists@HornLeftists·
🔴How the Myth of Ethiopia as “Africa’s First Christian Nation” Erases the History of Christian Nubia in Sudan This Popular Mechanics article on Old Dongola matters because it forces Sudan’s buried Christian history back into view. Archaeologists uncovered a late 16th- or early 17th-century document tied to King Qashqash at Old Dongola, the former capital of Makuria, one of the major Christian Nubian kingdoms. That find matters not because it proves Sudan was simply “first,” but because it exposes how thoroughly Sudan’s Christian Nubian past has been minimized, sidelined, and often erased from the way African Christian history is publicly remembered. Christian Nubia was not a footnote. It was one of the major centers of African Christian civilization, with its own kingdoms, political institutions, religious life, and historical depth. Yet in popular memory, and even in many Black and African political spaces, that history is too often pushed into the background or ignored altogether. Ancient Aksum Empire (c. 1st century CE–8th century CE) ≠ Abyssinian Kingdom (c. 1270–19th century) Abyssinian Kingdom (c. 1270–19th century) ≠ Modern Ethiopia (late 19th century–present) That erasure is reinforced by the slogan that “Ethiopia is Africa’s first Christian country,” repeated across the Black diaspora and the continent as if the history were simple, settled, and politically innocent. The facts are more complicated. Aksum did adopt Christianity in the 4th century under Ezana, and that should not be denied. But Orthodox or Coptic Christianity in Africa should not be reduced to a triumphalist modern Ethiopian nationalist slogan. Orthodox Christianity in Africa is not reducible to Ethiopia, nor is it the exclusive property of any later Ethiopian nationalist narrative. It is part of a much wider African Christian history that includes indigenous African communities and long-standing Christian traditions spread across North Africa and the Nile Valley, including Christian Nubia in what is now Sudan. Aksum was an ancient empire centered in present-day Eritrea and Tigray, not a modern Ethiopian nation-state, while Christian Nubia was also a major, long-lasting, and historically consequential center of African Christian civilization. Once the entire story is filtered through the slogan of “first Christian country,” the wider regional record is distorted, Sudan’s place in that history is pushed aside, and indigenous African ties to Orthodox and eastern Christian traditions are erased in favor of a much narrower nationalist narrative. The deeper problem is that this timeline, terminology, and historical memory have been hijacked by pro-feudal Abyssinian propaganda and later nationalist storytelling. Aksum was not “Ethiopia” in the modern nation-state sense. Ancient “Aithiopia” was a shifting label, not the exclusive historical property of the modern Ethiopian state, and certainly not something that can be retroactively monopolized as a seamless inheritance. Later traditions turned that unstable and contested name into a much more exclusive continuity claim than the evidence can support. In the process, they swallowed up histories that were never theirs alone to monopolize, folded distinct political formations into one myth of uninterrupted continuity, and elevated one later narrative at the expense of others. That is how Sudan’s Christian Nubian past gets pushed into the background while a broader regional inheritance is recast as the sole legacy of one later political project. The serious historical point, then, is not to deny Aksum’s Christianity, but to reject the political use of that fact to obscure other African Christian histories. Aksum’s conversion is real, but so is the long Christian history of Nubia. Sudan’s Makuria and other Nubian Christian formations should be studied in their own right, on their own historical terms, not left permanently overshadowed by a modern slogan that compresses distinct histories into one nationalist myth. A more honest account of African Christian history would place Sudan’s Christian Nubian past back into the picture, not as an afterthought, but as one of its central chapters.
Popular Mechanics@PopMech

Archaeologists Unearthed a 400-Year-Old Letter. It Confirmed the Existence of a Legendary King. popularmechanics.com/science/archae…

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Clown World ™ 🤡
Clown World ™ 🤡@ClownWorld·
Cop says put the cigarette out… she said no… reality checked in real fast
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Tiibbaa (ፍሬው ከበደ ቲባ)
I tested my raw (unscaled) G25 dna coordinates against modern population averages and individual samples. See how closely related we are? I am not even an Amhara or Ethiopian Jew. But the distance is a very close fit, almost indistinguishable. #Ethiopia
Tiibbaa (ፍሬው ከበደ ቲባ) tweet mediaTiibbaa (ፍሬው ከበደ ቲባ) tweet media
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Habtish Gurmu (Commentary)
From the horse’s mouth. Shabia’s activist Awol Seid released new video comparing Ethiopia and Eritrea.
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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@Dsambo007 @draingangadulis I don't see a reference to the 'Aithiopians' in this text. But yes, there were different people groups in the area. But I don't know if we know what distinguished them - whether we are speaking of clans, kingdoms, ethnic groups, etc
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Tsar Kadyrov
Tsar Kadyrov@Dsambo007·
@Swizzopian @draingangadulis Here is an example. Aethiopians where probably a group of people either around sudan or according to munrohay possible somewhere south east tigray or North wollo.
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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@Dsambo007 @draingangadulis It's the fact that all other groups were transliterated into Greek but Habasha was translated into 'Aithiop[ia]' that doesn't convince me that the Habasha were seen as distinctly separate from the Aksumites - together with the fact that not only ethnonyms are listed.
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Tsar Kadyrov
Tsar Kadyrov@Dsambo007·
@Swizzopian @draingangadulis Not at all the researcher explained, Habeshatat was a group of people in the empire. In the coins Aksum and Aksumites is mentioned. When they reffered to the city they call it Aksum. It also mentioned many other people in the inscriptions. From beja to kasu.
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lacagyahan 🪽
lacagyahan 🪽@spiralintodead·
Source: On the Erythraean Sea , Agatharchides 2nd century BC.(Not a direct quote)
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lacagyahan 🪽
lacagyahan 🪽@spiralintodead·
This callous stoic attitude toward death was likely rooted in a martial culture in which frequent death was the norm and embraced Or it could be the case they believed that dying was a fortunate passage into the afterlife and funerals were a time for joy
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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@malandroggb Interesting! Did an initial AI supported dive into the topic. The power vacuum created by the destruction of Egypt's political and economic power seem to have propelled the rise of caravan trade and the rise of South Arabia. This nicely aligns with the Queen of Sheba stories.
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Habtish Gurmu (Commentary)
What a disappointing Speech⁉️ I've tried very hard to stay silent on @danielkibret Daniel Kibret's recent controversial speech targeting the Ethiopian diaspora, but the more I reflect on it, the deeper my disappointment grows. Even though his remarks weren't aimed directly at me personally, they strike at the heart of what many of us in the diaspora feel and experience. First and foremost, Ethiopian diaspora members have every right to criticize the Ethiopian government—even after naturalizing in other countries—because we maintain deep, vested interests in Ethiopia's future. Our families, loved ones, and roots remain there. What happens in Ethiopia—politically, economically, or socially—affects us directly and indirectly, often profoundly. We send billions in remittances every year (with figures reportedly reaching around $7 billion in recent fiscal periods), invest in businesses, support communities, and contribute to national development in countless ways. To suggest that those who have acquired foreign citizenship forfeit their voice or stake in Ethiopia's affairs is not only dismissive but fundamentally wrong. What's especially disheartening is the apparent hypocrisy: the government eagerly courts diaspora support, investments, tourism, and knowledge transfer, yet bristles at constructive criticism or challenges from the very same community. You can't welcome our resources with open arms while shutting down our legitimate concerns or questions about governance, policy, or direction. Secondly, Daniel Kibret's statements seem to directly contradict the core principles outlined in the Prosperity Party's own manifesto and philosophy. The party has long emphasized mobilizing the diaspora as a strategic partner for national development, investment, and positive image-building—all under the guiding idea of “Medemer” (synergy or coming together). This is precisely why the government established the “Ethiopian Diaspora Service”, an official initiative led by Ambassador Fitsum Arega. Its mission is clear: to connect, empower, and support Ethiopians abroad, fostering unbreakable bonds with the homeland, enabling meaningful contributions to Ethiopia's growth, and celebrating our shared culture and heritage. So the real questions remain: Does Daniel Kibret truly understand his own party's manifesto? Has he even read it carefully? Is he aware of the dedicated government structures—like the Ethiopian Diaspora Service—built specifically to embrace and integrate diaspora voices rather than alienate them? This kind of rhetoric risks undermining the very unity and national progress the Prosperity Party claims to champion. The diaspora isn't the enemy; we're an extension of Ethiopia itself. Dismissing or threatening us only weakens the nation we all care about so deeply. It's time for more inclusive dialogue, not division. የዳንኤል ክብረት ንግግር የእልህ ወይም የብሽሽቅ ፖለቲካ ነው::
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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@ZecariasG Horrible. I also remember the pain I felt at Aksum, when I saw all the destruction and signs of looting. Apparently the palace of Yohannes in Mekele and many other museums were looted too.
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ዘካርያስ ገሪማ
However they try to dress up the Janjaweed, destroying their own country’s national museum tells you exactly what they are. Erasing the long-term memory of a nation is the act of a deliberate enemy determined to destroy a people, their culture, and their future.
Black@LilithBlack25

It's confirmed that more than 60% of the Sudan National Museum's collection in Khartoum was looted during the civil war, particularly while the RSF occupied the site from 2023 into early 2025. You can guess where all these artifacts will end up

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ወልደ ኤዲት 🇪🇹🇨🇭
@Dsambo007 @draingangadulis Exactly. Next step would be to understand who the HBŠT were - also in relation to the Axumites. Interestingly, the same places are referred to in different ways. Himyar and Saba are referred to by the name of the polity and the name of the 'throne' (Raydan and Salhen).
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