Vincent Chow

@ajutz86 @SyedAkramin ini solution dia...solution bakal

@SyedAkramin rhetoric? dia cakap diri dia la tu.

What exactly has this guy solved?

@niknazmi @fahmi_fadzil @rafiziramli @partibersamamy Ever since the party elections, PKR has been on a slippery slope. Now, it's hurtling toward its own demise.

Menteri KKOM @fahmi_fadzil asyik ulang tidak pasti jangan kongsi. Dia repost content cakap @rafiziramli beli @partibersamamy dengan harga RM8.6 juta, siapa sumbernya ya? SKMM akan siasat tak posting ni kalau tak betul?

@bin_salle39329 yes I agree. She’s definitely much more of an activist than a politician.

Nurul has her strengths, but as a politician, she lacks a commanding aura. However, I hope she continues her mother’s legacy, provided she truly believes in it. Otherwise, it might be better for her to leave politics altogether rather than be forced to kowtow to Farhash, Ramanan, Amirudin, and the internal PKR cartel. BERSAMA is for everyone. She should consider that.

@Aisehman without Bersama, PN/PAS is going to win anyway, cos disgruntled PH ex supporters will stay home and boycott next PRU

Yeah, makes it easier for PAS to conquer Putrajaya. The consequences from that will be significant. Can’t do much. We’ll just have to live with it.

@MyCommuNews0624 Duit datang daripada usaha menghentikan rasuah, sebab itulah integriti SPRM sangat penting.

RAFIZI BERSAMA 12 FANTASI Manifesto 12 agenda yang dibawa Rafizi Ramli melalui Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama) tak ubah macam 'angan-angan Mat Jenin'! Rafizi sebut tentang bantuan bulanan universal, pertumbuhan ekonomi lebih lima peratus, gaji meningkat setiap

@Jimy7172 @Tomiceman88 sebab takda pilihan lain. kalau party lain mempunyai pemimpin2 yg betul betul buat kerja utk rakyat, cina pun akan undi

@VincentChow33 @Tomiceman88 Sejak 2008 Cina menyokong dap, adakah selama 18 thn ni cina tak waras. .hahahaa

Habis keluar kot, lepas ni tinggal Anwar, KakWan, Izzah, Ramanan & Fahmi scuba je lah eekk? 🤭🤭🤣🤣

@Vijen_39 An "explicit instruction" is mentioned from Wong Chen's facebook post

Hopefully just a MyKhas admin/system issue. If not, it’s starting to look more political than technical. Impeccable timing either way.

@Jimy7172 @Tomiceman88 Cina yang waras akan beralih sokongan daripada DAP kepada Bersama. Lepas ni, PAS dah tak boleh guna DAP sebagai kambing hitam

@Tomiceman88 tkde nya luarbiasa pun psal mereka, record dh tunjukkan benda yg sama terjadi pada azmin ali dan mat lampir ampang, kalah tnpa sokongan org PH. Lg2 dibandar ni..lain la kalau piji tanding kt besut, PKR sememangnya masih dpt sokongan sebabkan Anwar ibrahim je..ko tgok la nnti..

@tokcin70 oh pandan tier 1 PKR stable seat pun jadi macamni

Pandan ni bukan sekadar kawasan. Pandan ni simbol. Kalau 19 orang AMK resign sekali gus di kawasan yang orang kaitkan dengan Rafizi, itu bukan bunyi biasa. Belum tentu wave BERSAMA dah bermula. Tapi kalau retak pertama datang dari Pandan, PKR patut risau. Tsunami politik jarang mula dengan ombak besar. Kadang mula dengan bunyi kecil dalam tiang.

@therakyatpost *were the allies

@therakyatpost At first I thot the 4 names in the post where the allies haha

Anwar Ibrahim’s political journey is marked by allies who didn’t stay allies for long. 🖊️ Ikhwan 🔎 Farah 🎨 Aisya ⬆️ Jessica

@kaijuday @khalidkarim They feel threatened even with capable people around them haha

@khalidkarim Dinosaurs don’t want to develop talents to replace them.

Rafizi has a proven track record of finding and developing young talents No other leaders have focused on developing young talents

@syfrzlitc @TharmaPillai iingat skandal NFC "projek lembu kondo"? haha

@TharmaPillai Kalau ikut demand, lembu lagi banyak orang consume, apahal masih import? Nak cerita babi lagi sikit pemakan dia. Import jelah.

This is wrong. Setia pada Raja/Sultan tidak bermakna wakil rakyat tidak ada hak bersuara isu dasar. Bukannya ADUN DAP ni menghasut ataupun keluarkan ayat biadab. Ada demand besar utk daging babi, jadi cadangan adalah utk membenarkan penternakan moden di Selangor. Kalau tak setuju, biarkan wakil rakyat berdebat. Itu demokrasi. Bukan absolute monarki.

@bumilangit 🤣🤣🤣

@VincentChow33 Rafizi kena hafal ayat alQuran macam WAF dulu.

Walaupun bagus dan meriah ada banyak parti, tapi saya tetap risau bila undi progresif berpecah terutamanya di Lembah Klang yang akhirnya undi PN kekal dan jadi pemenang. Ingat, kita first past the post. Masa tu boleh lah bersorak dapat turunkan undi lawan tapi yang menang PAS.

@bin_salle39329 I believe this will have impact on PAS too. For years, PAS mobilized voters just by using DAP as the ultimate bogeyman. PAS no longer can use that narrative with Bersama.

For more than six decades, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) has carefully branded itself as a multiracial, progressive force in Malaysian politics. Its support base, however, remains heavily concentrated among urban Chinese voters, particularly in mixed and marginal constituencies where disciplined turnout and strong party machinery matter more than sheer numbers. DAP’s defenders argue that the party became strong because it consistently championed governance reform, anti-corruption narratives, meritocracy, and constitutional secularism at a time when many non-Malay voters felt politically cornered between UMNO’s Malay nationalism and PAS’ Islamist conservatism. To many middle-class urban Malaysians, DAP represented the safest available opposition vehicle against the old Barisan Nasional order. But critics increasingly question whether DAP’s political rise truly translated into structural empowerment for ordinary Malaysians or merely strengthened a new class of urban political and business elites. Despite repeated election victories under the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) and later Pakatan Harapan (PH) banners, many working-class Chinese voters still face the same pressures of stagnant wages, rising living costs, housing insecurity, and unequal access to opportunity. The rhetoric of reform often sounded more revolutionary during campaigns than in government. The uncomfortable reality is that many Chinese voters may not necessarily vote for DAP out of deep ideological loyalty, but because they perceive few viable alternatives. MCA is widely viewed by critics as subordinate to UMNO’s race-based political framework, while PAS remains deeply unpopular among many non-Muslim and moderate voters due to fears of religious conservatism. In that political vacuum, DAP benefited not only from support, but from the absence of credible competition. However, Malaysia’s political landscape is slowly changing. A growing number of progressive Malays, moderate Malays, non-Malays, and non-Muslim voters are beginning to feel that they may now have alternatives outside DAP. Younger voters in particular appear increasingly less emotionally attached to old party brands and more willing to evaluate parties based on credibility, economic competence, institutional reform, and leadership integrity rather than historical loyalty alone. This shift matters politically because DAP’s long-term strength was never built solely on hardcore Chinese nationalist sentiment or elite business support. It also depended heavily on a coalition of urban moderates, reform-minded malay and Malaysians, and voters who saw DAP as the only viable counterweight against racial extremism, corruption, and authoritarian politics. If that middle-ground voter bloc starts believing there are now other credible reform-oriented platforms available, DAP could face a new type of pressure it has rarely experienced before: competition within the reformist space itself. That is why some observers believe figures like Tony Pua long regarded as one of DAP’s key strategists and policy thinkers appear increasingly sensitive toward internal dissent, fragmentation, or the emergence of alternative political narratives within the broader reform movement. From this perspective, criticism directed at leaders such as Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad may reflect deeper anxieties inside parts of Pakatan Harapan especially DAP about maintaining unity, voter confidence, and political relevance in a far more fluid post-2018 political environment. For many Malaysians today, especially younger voters, Sabahans, Sarawakians, and politically exhausted centrists, the issue is no longer simply whether DAP was once an effective opposition party. The larger question is whether any political coalition that reaches Putrajaya can truly resist the entrenched culture of patronage, compromise, factionalism, and power consolidation that has shaped Malaysian politics for generations. Sang Kancil Politic analysis. 😉

@MalaysiaGazette umno kan ada daddykasi

Pemuda UMNO Setiawangsa sindir Nik Nazmi: Suara reformasi kedengaran bila tiada jawatan malaysiagazette.com/2026/05/18/pem…

@DrJamalul @mypolitiko mana ada sabotaj. takda effect langsung, 'meh' saja mengikut fahmi haha

@mypolitiko Rafizi pon 2X5 Tuan. Bergantung kita di pihak mana. Rafizi pon sombong buat hal dia sedangkan party dia buat convention. Buat hari yg sama timing yg sama. Saja nak sabotaj. Dah kutuk President sendiri hampir setiap minggu x sanggup nak berdepan dah

Sombong😄. Di posisi menteri sekarang, kamu bolehlah jawab begini. Tapi ingat, penggal ini berbaki berapa masa saja lagi. Kita tengok nanti, jika tiada rezeki terus jadi kerajaan, berani lagi kah jawab begini pada rakyat😁

@Nazril_Iznil "Depan cakap lain, Belakang buat lain" 🤣🤣🤣

Beginilah kisahnya 😁😁😁 Bekas Timbalan Presiden PKR, Rafizi Ramli, tidak melihat keperluan untuk menubuhkan parti baharu selepas gagal mempertahan jawatan dalam pemilihan PKR sebelum ini. Ahli Parlimen Pandan itu menjelaskan, keutamaan bagi negara ketika ini adalah meneruskan kestabilan politik dan membiarkan kerajaan yang ada kini meneruskan fungsi dan tugasnya dalam mentadbir negara. Cakap tak serupa bikin.

@DrJamalul @thisisdanielll tunggu la PRU nanti kita tau samada pengundi masih sokong dia

@thisisdanielll Selfish, Tak pikir pon Pengundi dia tak boleh tunggu PRU16