WebbyChymp™ 🇪🇺

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WebbyChymp™ 🇪🇺

WebbyChymp™ 🇪🇺

@WebbyChymp

EU - Rule of Law - NAFOfella

Katılım Şubat 2023
3.7K Takip Edilen1.8K Takipçiler
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Mika Aaltola
Mika Aaltola@MikaAaltola·
If Orbán steals April 12, the Commission has a tool it has never used on a stolen election but legally can. Article 279 TFEU: emergency ECJ injunction. It would come fast, in weeks. This isn’t a sovereignty question. Hungary’s sovereignty rests on democratic legitimacy. A fraudulent election doesn’t produce a sovereign government. It produces a captured one. Article 2 TEU is explicit: democracy and rule of law are founding conditions of EU membership, not optional features. Yes, applying Article 279 to a national election is untested. But untested is not impossible. The Commission would need to frame the fraud as a violation of specific EU obligations, and if a stolen majority then moves to suppress opposition, seize courts or block EU institutional access, the infringement grounds become clean and immediate. In this case, after April 12, the Commission will have no legal excuse. Only a political one.
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László Kovács
László Kovács@LszlKovcs159757·
😂😂😂
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414 Magyar's Birds
414 Magyar's Birds@414magyarbirds·
This video can be disturbing. A painful one about the moto season’s opening. #YoblykOTD
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#NAFOViking
#NAFOViking@nafoviking·
🤣🤣🤣 3 days to Kyiv🤣🤣🤣
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Zoltan Pardi
Zoltan Pardi@PardiZoltan·
Jobbágyok! Kussoljatok és örvendezettek! 18 nap van hátra.
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Jay in Kyiv
Jay in Kyiv@JayinKyiv·
Orban's attacks on journalist @panyiszabolcs were supposed to somehow help the Russian-backed regime, but as usual, it's all blowing up in their faces.
Szabolcs Panyi@panyiszabolcs

I want to apologize to my followers that my feed is full of @buymeacoffee posts. There is an ongoing Orbán government–style, Russia-inspired smear campaign against me, aimed at discrediting my not even yet published story on the details of FM Péter Szijjártó’s leaks and communication with Sergey Lavrov. The result is thousands of people showing their support and appreciation for my work, boosting my visibility like never before. The best advertisement one can get for my upcoming book on how Putin’s spies infiltrated Hungary and its political elite. Yes, that book is due in 2026. And there are some great memes too—thanks to the anonymous author!

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Mármarosi Anna 🇭🇺🇺🇦🇪🇺
🤬 The Hungarian government may have used the state intelligence service (AH) to blackmail the opposition party and compromise its IT system. There are suspicions that the personal data of 200K users was leaked with the help of the AH, and then they wanted to blame it on Ukraine!
Szabolcs Panyi@panyiszabolcs

💥🔎 A secret operation tried to bring down the IT systems of Hungary’s opposition party Tisza. Party-linked IT specialists planned to expose it, but police—under pressure from the secret services—raided them on what appear to be trumped-up charges. More: direkt36.hu/en/titkosszolg…

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414 Magyar's Birds
414 Magyar's Birds@414magyarbirds·
This isn’t your war, but you took a contract far from home – and this is the outcome. #414FinalShot
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Illia Ponomarenko 🇺🇦
Illia Ponomarenko 🇺🇦@IAPonomarenko·
Meanwhile in Russia. I’m starting to feel like the “special military operation” to take Kyiv in three days in February 2022 isn’t going very well.
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Vatnik Soup
Vatnik Soup@P_Kallioniemi·
Viktor Orban’s campaign be like:
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Pete
Pete@splendid_pete·
‼️🧵1/2 Bence Szabó is a senior detective (captain) in the Hungarian National Bureau of Investigation, working in a specialized unit dealing with online sexual exploitation of children. He explicitly states that in a normal system, he wouldn’t be speaking publicly at all. The story starts in July 2025. An anonymous report is submitted to Hungary’s internet hotline (run by the media authority), alleging that three individuals are planning child sexual abuse using a hidden camera device. Under normal procedure, such a report would be verified first before any coercive measures are taken. But that doesn’t happen here. Before the report even officially reaches Szabó’s unit, the Alkotmányvédelmi Hivatal (AH), Hungary’s domestic intelligence service, already has it. Not only that, they pass it to police leadership with additional details that were not in the original report. They also push for immediate house searches. This is the first break from normal procedure. Despite internal resistance, pressure from above leads to coordinated searches on July 8 at three locations. One of the three individuals quickly turns out to be irrelevant. The other two, however, are linked to the Tisza Party, specifically working in IT and infrastructure. From this point, the case becomes politically sensitive. The irregularities escalate during the searches. One location is an office boat on the Danube. The AH already knows exactly which office is being used and where the servers are located. When officers arrive, they struggle to find the right room, and the AH guides them in real time over the phone, directing them room by room. This implies prior surveillance of the location. At the same time, the forensic process is taken out of standard police control. Instead of police forensic experts, personnel from the National Security Service are forced into the process. They handle the imaging and data extraction. This breaks the normal evidentiary chain and introduces external control over the data. Documentation is also compromised. According to Szabó, investigators were not allowed to mention the AH’s involvement in official records. The case was not properly entered into the police’s central system (Robotzsaru). Instead, parts of the work were handled in Word documents, outside standard traceable systems. That removes auditability, version tracking, and accountability. During the search, one of the suspects reacts in a telling way. He says he expected something like this. He explains that prior to this case, he had been approached multiple times by unknown individuals offering money to leave the Tisza Party or provide access to its systems. When he refused, he was threatened with legal consequences. Now that threat appears to have materialized. The seized devices are analyzed over the following months. When the forensic review is completed, the central allegation collapses completely. There is no evidence of child sexual abuse material. No files, no traces, no behavioral indicators. The original crime simply does not exist in the data. But something else does. On one of the phones, investigators find screenshots of encrypted chats (from the Session app). These conversations date back to February 2025, months before the searches. In these chats, an unknown individual contacts one of the IT staff. At first, he tries persuasion, asking him to stop supporting the political group. When that fails, he escalates to blackmail, referencing the person’s past involvement in hacktivist activity. Then comes the actual objective.
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Adrian P 🇷🇴🇺🇦🇪🇺
The key difference between Ukraine and Russia in this war. On the left, Ukraine strikes a Russian oil terminal whose revenues are used to fund Russia's invasion of Ukraine. On the right, Russia strikes a 400 year old historical monument in a residential area. It's not hard to see who the good guys and the bad guys are in this war.
Adrian P 🇷🇴🇺🇦🇪🇺 tweet mediaAdrian P 🇷🇴🇺🇦🇪🇺 tweet media
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euronews
euronews@euronews·
A network linked to pro-Kremlin actors is impersonating major media outlets to spread false claims about Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar ahead of parliamentary elections. #TheCube l.euronews.com/QUew
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Mariska den Eelden 🇪🇺🇳🇱
EU leaders should start using the word treason for parties aligned with the Russo-American axis. They aren't "opposition" but the enemy; working to fracture Europe from within. It's their reason d'etre! Ukraine has banned them and Europe should follow suit
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