Aliyu Baraje

The cost of planting has risen faster than the price at which we sell. For millions of Nigerian farmers, the most rational economic decision is now to plant less, or not at all. A looming farmer apathy and food insecurity. @officialABAT @HMS_FMARD @FmardNg

Sir, you won't see them crying online because most of them don't know how to type, the irony is that, they know how to vote and can differentiate party flags' colours. 1/2

Mr President Sir. you can't target an entire region's economy and expect unquestioing loyalty from its population. The federal government repeatedly supported import and tax waivers on grains at the detriment of the local farmers. 1/2

@OzavizeYakubu @ZainabOfficial6 Sorry sister, God will see you through it. insha'Allah.

@ZainabOfficial6 We’re plenty. Mine is worse, during interviews most times I already know I’m not getting the job cause of how the Interviewers view me as ‘not fit’ for the role for the sole reason of my disability. It’s crazy for real.

Is there anyone related to a CEO that can employ me directly, please🤲🤲🤲. I'm tired of Dear HR, I don't want to do it again.

@Yantumakii He's ignorant, there millions of brainwashed youths like him.

Usman Danfodio ( may his soul rest in peace) is a reformer. You cannot reform something that’s not in existence.

and it feeds dozens of downstream industries from flour mills to breweries. When maize becomes too expensive to grow, the entire food system begins to fracture. That fracture is happening now, in 2026, and the consequences will arrive in full force in 2027. 4/4

..from the smallholder farmer in Katsina to the consumer buying pap in Lagos market. Maize is not just a crop. It is the nutritional and economic spine of Nigeria's food system. It feeds us directly, it feeds our chickens and livestock... 3/4

I have been farming maize and advising agribusinesses in Nigeria for over a decade. I have weathered droughts, watched prices swing violently with the seasons, survived the subsidy removal shock, and kept planting. 1/4

I was born to a Gbagyi father and a Fulani mother, but I grew up speaking only Hausa. I cannot speak either of my parents’ native languages, yet Hausa is what I know best. In fact, I speak it more fluently than many people who are originally Hausa. I am married to a Hausa woman, and my lifestyle, culture, and way of thinking are deeply rooted in Hausa. But I have strong respect for the minority tribes who speak Hausa as their second language. To me, Hausa is not just a language, it is a whole civilization and a way of life.

@Abdul_Ahmad_ Then we should also have Hausa-Kanuri, Yoruba-Ibo, Igala-Hausa- Ibo-Ibira.

You can call yourself Hausa Zalla or Fulani Zalla. There’s nothing wrong with either. But why do some people suddenly have an issue when we choose to identify ourselves as Hausa-Fulani? Hausa-Fulani identity doesn't need your approval. It reflects the history and culture that have evolved over generations. For many of us, “Hausa-Fulani” isn’t just a label, it’s a reality. Like it or not, the Hausa-Fulani identity is here to stay. That is who we are, and we are the majority. Hausa Zalla or Fulani Zalla, if they exist, are among the minority groups in northern Nigeria.

@gimbakakanda I like this part. "Whatever the Fulani share with the Hausa, they also share, in one form or another, with other groups, just as the Hausa share traits with peoples beyond the Fulani."

The Hausa-Fulani Debate This trending debate about the two ethnic groups dancing on the edge of an unmistakable rupture has, to me, always been a debate about political convenience disguised as ethnic certainty. They are two distinct groups, marked by different linguistic and cultural idiosyncrasies. Whatever the Fulani share with the Hausa, they also share, in one form or another, with other groups, just as the Hausa share traits with peoples beyond the Fulani. The difference is that these other groups rarely lose their consciousness of self. The traditional institutions across many northern communities are headed by monarchs of Fulani ancestry, and this is true even among the Nupe emirates in Nigeria. The Etsu Nupe in Bida and the Emir of Lapai, for instance, have distinctly Fulani ancestry, yet neither hyphenates his ethnic identity. They identify simply as Nupe, and that is the end of the matter. There is nothing in the cultural expression of a Hausa mixed with Fulani that is not, in similar ways, expressed among the Nupe mixed with Fulani. Culture is fluid. Identity is fluid too. We should be honest enough to admit this. Hausa is, of course, culturally magnetic, and that is why it has succeeded in becoming the Bermuda Triangle of many languages in northern Nigeria. Many of us grew up struggling to balance Hausa and our native language, trying not to lose one in the dominance of the other. But that cultural force is not enough reason to reduce Hausa to a mere language, as some tend to theorise, or to deny that it belongs to a distinct people. That would be like arguing that the universality of English means there are no distinct English people. A language can travel widely, absorb others, and still remain the language of a people whose distinct identity does not vanish with its spread. If these Nupe royal families, many of whom are patrilineally Fulani but maternally Nupe, could identify simply as Nupe and nothing more, then I believe every group can do the same—to choose a part that aligns with their reality. To me, that offers a practical template for integration among us. What it exposes, instead, is the poverty of a social arrangement in denial of lived identity, where accommodation rests solely on the father’s origin. That may satisfy the logic of patriarchy, but it does not satisfy the logic of justice, social reality, or national cohesion. We live, however, in a patrilineal society that compels the child to inherit the father’s identity, and this logic extends even into our notions of indigeneship and citizenship. Unless we are prepared to uphold that rigidity consistently, or else allow all of us to bear the identities of both parents, we are simply living a lie. My objection to the Hausa-Fulani categorisation is not that it is inherently flawed, for it reflects a social reality many of us already recognise. It is that the arrangement is self-serving, privileging one set of interethnic identities while denying the same legitimacy to others. Our society would be far more honest with itself if it embraced our maternal identities and values just as seriously as it does the paternal. That would not only weaken this patriarchal inheritance of identity, but also deepen integration. I made this argument years ago in a column where I advanced the case for bilateral descent. Every child is the product of two parents, two lineages, two inheritances. In many cases, indeed in most, the child is first shaped by the mother’s language, habits, and culture before any wider socialisation takes hold. It makes no sense, therefore, that a child of a Yoruba father and a Hausa mother, born and bred in Hausa society, formed by its language and customs, should be told to return to a father’s village he has never known whenever questions of belonging or political participation arise. That contradiction is one of the quiet engines of our national polarisation. 1/2

@Yaqnas @abdullahayofel Most farmers wouldn't elect Tinubu again.

@abdullahayofel I truly can not understand this policy gymnastic, they open up the boarders to import grains and lower the price sending farmers below the crushing weight of debt, fast foward to farming season they are banning the importation of fertilizer that will lower the price.

BREAKING NEWS: FG expands import ban to cement, fertiliser, soaps, others🔥🔥

@AbdullahiH13932 @ana_herleemerh Ana maganar asalin kiyayyar ne, ba halin da ake ciki ba.

@ana_herleemerh @barajeD1 Ce masa za kiyi yaje jos yayi yawo yana cewa bahaushe ba bafulani ba muga idan zai kara kwana a duniya

Yan Hausa Zallan Bogi zasu ce maka suna kwatar ma Hausawa yancin sune amma an kashe Hausawa a Jos Matafiya hawa 3 amma bazaka tabajin suna tuhumar yan uwan su kristocin akan kisan ba. Kuma Kuna magana sai su kawo ma Bello Turji, tsakanin Bello Turji dayake kisa a daji da kuma kafuran da ansan gidajan su amma haka suke tsare Hausawan su yanka wanne ya kamata kuyi magana akan kwatar hakkin su ??

@Makaali93 @xagreat Fulani doesn't have any architecture apart from the above from the right hand side.

@xagreat There is more to fulani architecture than this. Fulani Architecture was later incorporated into Hausa Architecture in Palaces most especially the circular Design of Zaure "Foyer" and rooms. Both Hausa and Fulani copied the pinacle "Zanko" at the top 4 corners of their buildings.

Frame 1: Hausa Architecture Frame 2: Fulani Architecture

@_Sufy2 Bandits have already destroyed the relationship.

The relationship between the Hausa and Fulani cannot be broken. There is no family in the core north where you won't find both Hausa and Fulani members, which is why some identify as Hausa-Fulani. Agenda to cause chaos between them has been put forward, but I believe both groups are already aware of your evil intentions.

@saulawa05 @yaya_kamal01 The word *Maguzawa* is oftentimes by the Fulani to describe Hausa people, while by percentage Fulani still have more illiterates and traditional worshippers than the Hausa communities.

@barajeD1 @yaya_kamal01 So the comment automatically makes me Fulani ba. Funny

So Fulani And Hausa are not the same and I agree. But then I should also hate them because I am Hausa, and on Friday I will buy Kilishi to go and greet my Fulani Grandma. You guys are very delusional and who ever comes with this agenda, it will be not well with them.

@Khaleephyakasai Lol. You're proudly confused, Pharm.

I am Proudly Hausa Fulani.

@elfaisaal Ni ma na ce ba wata kwangila. Ba su san me ke faruwa a ƙauyuka ba.

Babu wata kwangila fa. Ku ne ku ke cikin birane, ba ku san wulakancin da Fulani makiyaya sukewa Hausawa manoma ba. Kuma ba ku san cin fuskar da sukewa Hausawa a fannin cinikayya da alakar auratayya ba. Amfanin bahaushe a wajen Fulani kawai ya kwanta su mulke shi ta ko ina.