Ely Sandler

Instead, policies like carbon pricing, climate finance, and emissions regulations will be decided in national capitals, not at COP. While affecting the mood of private investors and future negotiators is important, it is not sufficient to transform the global energy system. (3.3)

The COP28 decision does matter, but largely to the extent it changes the mood in future negotiations and boardrooms. These are the "public policy" and "private sector" channels. In other words - vibes-based policymaking. (2/3)

The post-COP28 narratives are divided: optimism over the inclusion of fossil fuels, and pessimism over not "phasing out" hydrocarbons. How do we make sense of these conflicting views? I wrote for Harvard's @Kennedy_School belfercenter.org/publication/co… 1/3

Big fan of your work @amandalanchu @justinjfj @mylesmccormick_ @derek_brower - very happy to hear your thoughts!

The @FT quote US firms who worry that "the US solar supply chain is in its infancy, [so] hardly any developers qualify for the full tax credit". But industrial policy should change incentives to boost supply. Weak US solar production argues for more targeted measures, not fewer.

The normally excellent @FT pretty fundamentally misinterpret the aim of IRA subsidies. They're concerned domestic production requirements "render most modules ineligible for the full tax credit." But that's the point, i.e to stimulate new US production. ft.com/content/76f0c8…

@henshall_will Finally I understand the consensus about harmonizing policy.

a simpler time foreignpolicy.com/2009/07/21/the…

great power conflict has been rising since singapore cancelled ASEAN summit karaoke youtube.com/watch?v=Sc1dCr…

This is an unbelievable quote. In more than 70 years to 2010, in significant cases with any dissent, justices split on party lines only once. Compare that to today. Source: Split Definitive: How Party Polarization Turned the Supreme Court into a Partisan Court (Devin & Baum)

Of the 322 cases [in 1938 to 2010] that the Guide to the U.S. Supreme Court lists as important and in which at least two Justices dissented, only one case divided all the Court’s Republican-appointed Justices from all of their Democratic-appointed colleagues (Devin & Baum, 2016)

this is a good development: offsets are rightly criticized for environmental integrity. Moving to Article 6 credits may ensure investment actually goes to green development. Here is our Harvard proposal to maximise the effect of such investment belfercenter.org/publication/fi… (7/7)

third, governments will push firms to use Article 6 credits, not voluntary offsets, as Article 6 credits count towards their Paris Agreement targets, i.e. the Nationally Determined Contributions, NDCs (6/7)

just published my @Kennedy_School oped on how progress at #COP27 may kill the voluntary carbon market, and how this is a huge opportunity to fund clean energy in the developing world. belfercenter.org/publication/co… (1/7) @

Great reporting from Haaretz on our work at Harvard to reboot the Palestinian tech sector. Support from Middle East civil society, as well as policymakers, is essential to grow investment in Palestine and build the #GPIfoundation @Haaretz @haaretzcom @BelferCenter @Kennedy_School

thanks to @MiddleEast_HKS, @WorldBank, @StateDept, @AmbDennisRoss, @BelferCenter for your support, as well as the 60+ Palestinian, Emirati, Saudi and US policymakers, investors, entrepreneurs and officials whom we interviewed for this report and who support the #GPIfoundation

Our paper lays out how the #GPIfoundation can fund, champion and grow the Palestinian economy, bringing tangible benefits to the West Bank and correcting the current economic model which relies too heavily on philanthropy, peace-building efforts, and ineffective capacity building

Just published our Harvard Kennedy School report on how to reboot the Palestinian tech sector. We propose a new development model in the West Bank, driven by a new entity: the Global Palestinian Innovation Foundation #GPIfoundation @avnerh @mkhweis belfercenter.org/publication/ti…