Jesse Franklin retweetledi
On October 7, 2023, Hamas, an authoritarian, Iranian-backed militia that has ruled Gaza for 17 years, launched a carefully planned massacre. It killed 1,200 civilians, and took 250 hostages. It did so with full knowledge that such a move would trigger devastating retaliation. And it did. A brutal, urban war erupted. Tens of thousands have since died, many of them civilians, many of them militants. The war was horrific, tragic, and yes, entirely avoidable.
And yet, within days, hundreds of thousands marched across Western cities, not to denounce the massacre that sparked it all, nor to condemn the authoritarian militia responsible for using civilians as human shields, but to demand an end to what they instantly branded genocide.
By mid-May 2025, London had seen at least 27 mass marches in solidarity with Gaza. One of them numbered over a million people.
In contrast, during the darkest years of the Syrian civil war, when Assad used chemical weapons, barrel bombs, siege warfare, and starvation to subdue his population, London’s largest Syria-related protest peaked at 900 people. Most saw a few dozen.
That contrast tells us something deeply uncomfortable.
It’s not just about numbers. It’s about selectivity, and what it reveals.
Syria:
•650,000 dead
•14 million displaced
•100,000 executed in Sadnaya prison
•150,000 missing
•Genocide by starvation, siege, and sarin gas
And yet, no mass marches. No relentless protests. No weekly hashtags. No demands that the UN or the ICC act “now or else.”
Why?
Because this isn’t about genocide. If it were, Syria alone would have moved the Earth.
This is about something else.
What we are seeing is not solidarity - but a displaced moral fixation. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has become a symbolic canvas onto which all manner of disillusionment, guilt, and anger are projected. It is less about the facts on the ground and more about what the conflict represents.
To the radical left, Israel is a proxy for everything they despise: Western power, capitalism, nationalism, military strength, and in many cases, Jews themselves.
To the Islamists, it is the embodiment of a theological rupture, a state they believe should not exist.
To the bored and chronically online, it is a cause that offers identity, belonging, and purpose.
The result is an emotional obsession with Israel and its perceived sins. Not a principled stand against human suffering, but a ritualized spectacle where moral outrage is directed surgically at a single actor, regardless of the broader context.
And this obsession demands casualties - not for empathy, but for affirmation. The dead become evidence that the world is unjust, that the system must be torn down, that the protestor is on the side of the righteous.
Thus, death becomes currency, and only some deaths are accepted at full value. Syrian deaths are geopolitically inconvenient. Uyghur deaths are economically awkward. Rohingya deaths are logistically distant. But Palestinian deaths - so long as Israel can be blamed - are perfect.
It is why Egypt, which has sealed its border with Gaza and refused to accept refugees, is barely mentioned.
It is why Assad, praised openly by Hamas leaders like Yahya Sinwar, is never held to account in these circles.
It is why Iran, the primary funder and arms supplier of both Assad and Hamas, remains a shadowy afterthought.
We are not witnessing solidarity with Palestinians. We are witnessing a hijacking of their tragedy to service a very different political agenda - one that is less interested in peace or justice, and more interested in purging the West of its sins, real or imagined.
It’s not that these protestors don’t care. It’s that they’ve been trained - by ideology, by social media, by tribalism - to care in highly specific, narrowly sanctioned ways.
Care that flatters their identity.
Care that tells them they are good - because they are angry.
And in that economy of virtue, Gaza is profitable. Syria is not.
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