ZYKE

Everyone's buzzing about fermented foods now but I raise you my more potent fermentation: honey fermented with onion, garlic, ginger, turmeric, black pepper, oregano, black seeds, lime, rosemary + moringa. Yogurt is great for probiotics, but this hits way broader: It has probiotics and prebiotics, a highly potent antibacterial/antiviral, heavy anti-inflammatory firepower, antioxidant overload, immune boost, digestion aid, energy lift, and detox effects from the stacked herbs/spices. It's not just gut support, it's a full-body armor. And then I also take unsweetened Greek Yoghurt regularly too. Fermented foods are great and necessary for gut care, immunity, vitality, and overall health.

I found more details on Ruike Energy's proposed oil refinery at Dongo kundu. 60k barrels per day. $1b CAPEX. Can process Turkana or imported crude. 700 direct staff. 2.5yrs construction period. Will produce petrol, diesel, lpg, asphalt, etc

@Thuranira_1 The predatory business practices outta here is on PLENTY.

1. You take a loan of KSh 400,000 to help buy a car worth KSh 700,000. 2. You faithfully pay KSh 30,000 every month. After some time you have paid KSh 300,000. 3. Unfortunately, you lose your job and miss one month’s payment. 4. The microfinance repossesses your car and threatens to auction it. 5. You plead with them. They tell you to pay KSh 150,000 to restructure the loan. You borrow from a shylock and pay. 6. They restructure the loan. It is extended to 3 years. You now pay KSh 25,000 per month. 7. You resume payments. You manage to pay for another year. Then things get tough again. 8. By this time you have paid KSh 700,000 in total. Yet you still owe KSh 600,000. 9. They repossess your car again. They value it at KSh 250,000 and sell it. 10. You are left with a balance of KSh 350,000. Interest keeps accumulating. 11. You take other loans to clear the KSh 350,000. 12. In the end, the KSh 400,000 loan costs you almost KSh 3,000,000. You lose the car. You lose your peace of mind. Machoos.

@citizentvkenya @SamGituku @JohnMbadiN Do you think the executive can successfully convince other kenyans that NIF will not have political influence and powers to stay out of corruption. Our constitution stipulates no politicians in the cabinet..what do we get!!

@annastansbury @andy_garin How about a saturated supply?

What happens to delivery drivers’ pay when a minimum pay regulation is passed? Read the whole thread, but especially this part Higher pay per job + Elastic labor supply —> queuing for jobs —> roughly the same earnings as before

@ochiengR1 @wambuijoan2024 @antony_nderitu Was the Waiyaki way Mombasa Road Reconstructed?

@wambuijoan2024 @antony_nderitu Lies, Late Kones daughter an Engineer has been in road construction for very longtime. Kikuyu entitlement think everything done by a person not kikuyu is bad.

Immediately the looting regime came to power.. His wife's company was given a big ksh.3B tender to repair parts of Mombasa Rd, which were destroyed during the construction of Nairobi Expressway. Three and half years later, the company is yet to repair the road inspite of funds disbursement. The Auditor General later reported that the company that won this particular tender does not even own a wheelbarrow.Eloi!!

Installed a car tracker from a company in Kenya that advertises "top security, state of the art" features. But after looking into it... • Android app on Google Play is from a Chinese developer • iPhone app is generic, you must manually enter the server IP • Web dashboard looks like it was built in 2005. Not sure if this was meant to be shared with end-users, but I got access using the server IP. (hii ya .aspx ni backend gani?) The whole platform appears to be a white-label system built in China. After inspecting the web dashboard, I found the API it uses. Calling the API directly returns tracking data with no authentication needed. The identifier seems to be an auto-increment field. I queried a range of IDs and got 96 valid vehicles out of 100 with: • license plates • locations • mileage • vehicle status Plotted on a map, I could see where all these cars are. No hacking. No reverse engineering. Just an exposed API. Worst part? My own car is in that dataset. We definitely have developers in Kenya who could build secure, modern tracking platforms instead of relying on insecure white-label systems.

@citizentvkenya @SamGituku @aomenya Why don't we create semi autonomous like Nairobi Water and Sewerage Company for Nairobi Waste Management Company. Nairobi Development Projects Authority or council. (Multi agency) Is it Possible? @SakajaJohnson @edwinsifuna @OkiyaOmtatah

My fellow Kenyans, I bring you my review findings of Emuria Dikirr’s Constituency's CDF. When I announced yesterday that I am going to be publishing these findings, I received a good amount of harassment from very interesting people. Which is sad. There are people who see tribe everywhere. There are people who read politics in everything. And worse, we have become a country where everyone wants “his or her thieves”. In other words, all thieves are bad, except, mine. I spend as much time as I spend on this stuff because of one reason and one reason only: There is a kid in a run-down school somewhere in Kenya who is not getting the education he deserves, because a corrupt politician somewhere has decided that his or her greed for a princely living is more important than that kids’ opportunity in life. And – he has been let down, not just by that corrupt politician, but the State and all its organs. By the media. By parliament. By the Executive Branch. By County government. Everybody has let that kid down. And so – this is not a game. This is not performance, ladies and gentlemen. There are millions of kids in our country who have been totally written off because of what is happening in this country – corruption, and unbridled greed. That is who I do this for. We are all free to decide how we spend our time on this earth. If you spend every hour protecting thieves – that is your prerogative. But do not try and coerce others into doing it with you. That kid I am talking – is till suffering. And, will carry this suffering forever. That’s what happens when a generation of kids lose out on education. So, I urge you to read these findings with that kid in mind. Thank you! Since 2013, the MP for this constituency has been Johana Ng’eno – who you are almost certainly familiar with. He is the MP who passed away in a chopper crash just recently. May he rest in peace. As we delve into this analysis, please keep in mind that: (1) The data used here is based on the Auditor General’s findings. Not me. (2) the period under analysis is 2023-2024, 2021-2022, 2020-2021, 2019-2020, 2018-2019 and 2017-2018. (3) Today, your typical CDF is receiving and managing about KSH 200 million annually. Since 2014, this particular CDF has received KSH 976,276,660.40. The MP has been in office that entire period. Here are the findings: FY2023-2024 For this year, the CDF received Kshs. 222,919,816 from the National Government. Out of that amount: Unsupported Expenditures Across Multiple Categories – Kshs.102,589,256 Expenditures totaling Kshs.102,589,256—including employee compensation (Kshs.2,674,731), training expenses (Kshs.1,427,200), claimed transfers to government units (Kshs.66,606,000), other grants and transfers (Kshs.30,908,825), and asset acquisition (Kshs.972,500)—were not supported by key documentation such as payrolls, vouchers, completion certificates, inspection reports, and approvals, indicating significant unsupported and unverifiable spending. An additional Kshs. 52 Million in claimed bursary expenses have absolutely no records. No names. No schools. No IDs. Nothing. In other words, from the Kshs. 222 million, Kshs 52 million in claimed bursaries and another Kshs. 102 million in other claimed expenditure have no support whatsoever. That is Kshs. 154 million – or 70% of the amount that came in. Gone! Let that sink in. FY2021-2022 – THE CDF received an “adverse opinion" from the Auditor General Salary Expense Variance – KSh 648,020 cannot be supported. Committee expenses totaling KSh 4,257,696 lacked details of payees, services rendered, or meeting documentation. Unsupported Training Expenses – KSh 1,034,800 Claimed “training expenditure of KSh 1,034,800” had absolutely no support. No attendance records, travel documentation, or training programs. Procurement corruption and/or irregularities: Road Projects – Kshs.43,626,871 Road projects totaling Kshs.43,626,871 were irregularly funded and could not be verified because key documentation (project specifications, procurement records, completion certificates, and inspection reports) was not provided for audit, and the projects did not meet eligibility criteria under Section 24 of the National Government Constituencies Development Fund Act, 2015, indicating unsupported and potentially ineligible expenditure. Unreported Emergency Expenditure – Kshs.8,233,428 Emergency project expenditures totaling Kshs.8,233,428 were not reported to the Board within the required 30 days and lacked supporting procurement and expenditure records, in breach of Regulation 20(2) of the National Government Constituencies Development Regulations, 2016, resulting in unsupported and non-compliant spending. Unsupported Transfers to Educational Projects – Kshs.55,401,034 Transfers totaling Kshs.55,401,034 to primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions could not be verified for value for money because inspection and completion reports, evidence of consultation with relevant government departments, project bank accounts, and proof of transfer of funds for the Kenya Medical Training College campus were not provided for audit, resulting in unsupported expenditure. Unsatisfactorily Implemented Projects – Kshs.18,300,000 Fourteen (14) projects with a total allocation of Kshs.18,300,000 were found during audit verification to be unsatisfactorily implemented and not aligned with the bills of quantities and contract specifications, raising concerns that value for money may not have been achieved. Unapproved Staffing Levels – 17 Staff The Fund employed seventeen (17) staff members—far above the recommended four (4)—without evidence of approval and with some duplicating roles, indicating non-compliance with staffing guidelines and weak human resource management controls. FY 2020–2021 Potential missing funds – KSh 6,000,000 The cashbook balance differed from bank reconciliation records by KSh 6,000,000, making the reported cash balance unreliable. Unconfirmed Transfer to Medical Training College – Kshs.12,100,000 A transfer of Kshs.12,100,000 to a Medical Training College could not be verified, because there was no bank statement, and the college denied receiving the funds, and no joint financing agreement or work plan was provided, indicating potentially missing or unsupported funds. Just think about that. Kshs. 12 million is supposedly sent to a school. Auditors contact the school - and the principal says - we have no idea what you are talking about! Unsupported Bursary Payments – Kshs.37,064,500 Out of Kshs.38,001,500 reportedly disbursed in bursaries, only Kshs.937,000 was supported by cheque numbers, leaving Kshs.37,064,500 unsupported, raising concerns of unverified and potentially irregular expenditure. Multiple Bursaries to Same Students – Kshs.15,659,000 A total of 691 students received multiple bursary allocations amounting to Kshs.15,659,000 without justification, indicating irregular and unsupported bursary disbursements. Duplicate Student Registration Numbers – Kshs.468,000 A total of Kshs.468,000 was paid to 63 students from the same institution who shared identical registration numbers, raising concerns of duplicate or potentially fictitious bursary beneficiaries. Unconfirmed Emergency Project Payments – Kshs.9,220,000 Emergency project expenditures totaling Kshs.9,220,000 could not be verified because the projects were not found during physical verification, supporting documentation and approval records were missing, and Kshs.2,472,500 spent on water tanks lacked beneficiary lists and delivery evidence, indicating unsupported and potentially misused funds. Kshs. 9.2 million claimed – but not one project can be seen or touched. Unconfirmed Payment for Road Project – Kshs.4,667,027 A payment of Kshs.4,667,027 for the Chesoen–Kapchumbe access road project could not be verified because the payment voucher lacked invoices and completion certificates, the payee was not the contractor, no bank statement was provided to confirm the payment, and inconsistencies remained regarding an additional Kshs.3,546,380 reportedly still owed, indicating unsupported and irregular expenditure. Unreported Staff Gratuities – Kshs.822,049 Staff gratuity payments totaling Kshs.822,049 were omitted from the supporting schedule for employee compensation, making the reported compensation expense of Kshs.2,747,570 inaccurate and incomplete. Irregular Committee Allowances – Kshs.2,765,200 Committee expenses totaling Kshs.2,765,200 were irregular and unsupported, including Kshs.290,000 without meeting documentation, Kshs.500,000 paid to non-committee members contrary to the NG-CDF Act, and Kshs.340,000 unrelated to committee activities, indicating non-compliant and unsupported expenditure. Unconfirmed Project Management Committee Bank Balances – Kshs.2,663,603 Project Management Committee bank balances totaling Kshs.2,663,603 could not be verified because bank balance certificates were not provided, Kshs.5,700,000 in comparative balances for 15 accounts were omitted from the financial statements, and there was no evidence that project accounts were closed and funds returned to the constituency account, indicating incomplete and unsupported financial reporting. Irregular and Incomplete School Projects – Kshs.84,750,000 Projects implemented in 41 primary and 13 secondary schools totaling Kshs.84,750,000 could not be verified for proper procurement or value for money because contract documents were missing, Kshs.27,000,000 in sampled projects included incomplete works (Kshs.10,300,000), unusable or poorly constructed projects (Kshs.16,300,000), and unsupported land purchases of Kshs.400,000, while key procurement, tax, and completion records were not provided, indicating irregular and unsupported FY 2019-2020 Irregular Procurement of School Projects – Kshs.84,750,000 School projects implemented in 41 primary and 13 secondary schools totaling Kshs.84,750,000 were irregularly procured because contract documents, engineers’ estimates, retention records, withholding tax evidence, and interim/final completion certificates were not provided, preventing verification that procurement complied with Article 227(1) of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 and Section 150(3) of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015, indicating unsupported and potentially non-compliant expenditure. Incomplete and Poorly Executed Projects – Kshs.5,900,000 Audit inspection of sampled projects found that three (3) projects valued at Kshs.5,900,000 were paid for but remained incomplete and exhibited poor workmanship, indicating that value for money was not achieved. FY 2018-2019 Unconfirmed PMC Bank Balances – Kshs.16,706,245 Project Management Committee bank accounts reported nil balances, but bank confirmations, statements, and evidence of transfer of unutilized funds were not provided, making it impossible to verify the cash and cash equivalents balance of Kshs.16,706,245, indicating unsupported and unconfirmed funds. Unsupported Emergency Project Payments – Kshs.4,321,103 Emergency project payments totaling Kshs.4,321,103 were not supported by payment vouchers, approvals, or other required documentation, while an additional Kshs.1,417,890 lacked beneficiary lists and committee approvals, indicating unaccounted and unsupported expenditure within emergency project funds. Unaccounted for Kshs.5,994,508. The summary statement of appropriation reported Kshs.60,778,991 as prior-year unspent funds, while audited accounts showed Kshs.54,784,483, creating an unexplained variance of Kshs.5,994,508. Bursary Allocation Below Legal Threshold – Kshs.19,226,047 Bursaries totaling Kshs.19,226,047 (19.74%) were allocated from Kshs.97,405,173 received from the NG-CDF Board, below the required minimum of 25% under Regulation 21(5) of the NG-CDF Regulations, 2016, indicating non-compliance with statutory bursary allocation requirements. Unapproved KMTC Hostel Construction – Kshs.8,800,000 A contract worth Kshs.8,800,000 for construction of a 300-capacity hostel at Kurangurik KMTC was awarded without NG-CDF Board approval, and key contract records, design drawings, and project monitoring documents were not provided, while audit inspection found the project incomplete with the contractor absent, indicating irregular procurement and unsupported expenditure with uncertain value for money. FY 2017-2018 Unrecorded Asset Acquisitions – Kshs.7,824,266 Assets worth Kshs.7,824,266 reported as acquired were not included in the fixed asset register, making it impossible to verify the accuracy and completeness of the reported fixed assets balance of Kshs.8,799,719.03, indicating incomplete asset records and inaccurate financial reporting. Uncontrolled Labour-Based Project Contracts – Kshs.13,000,000 Projects totaling Kshs.13,000,000 (Kshs.10,850,000 for primary schools and Kshs.2,150,000 for secondary schools) were procured through direct procurement and implemented using labour-based contracts without documented procedures for supervision, control, or materials management, making it impossible to confirm whether value for money was achieved. Missing Project Implementation Status Reports – Kshs.35,764,693 Projects totaling Kshs.35,764,693 (Kshs.13,000,000 in transfers to other government units and Kshs.22,764,693 in other grants and transfers) lacked updated project implementation status reports as of 30 June 2018, preventing verification of effective project supervision, control, and management. Those are the facts, and they are not in dispute. @NGCDF_Kenya @NAssemblyKE @Senate_KE @EACCKenya @MigunaMiguna @MoGAbdi @EricLatiff @Mizani254

Everyone talks about Iranian oil in barrels. Nobody talks about what is inside them. That difference is why Western refineries have been running shadow networks through Dubai for twenty years to get it despite the sanctions. Crude oil is not a uniform commodity. It is a spectrum of hydrocarbons with different molecular weights, and the composition of a given crude determines how easily it converts into the products refineries actually want to sell: gasoline, diesel, jet fuel, heating oil. The measurement that captures this is API gravity. Higher API gravity means lighter crude with shorter carbon chains, which means lower energy cost to crack, lower processing cost to refine, and higher yield of the light distillates that carry premium pricing. Lower API gravity means heavier crude requiring more energy, more processing steps, more capital equipment, and producing a higher share of lower-value residuals. Iranian Light crude runs at 33 to 36 degrees API gravity with sulfur content between 1.36 and 1.5 percent. That is the refinery sweet spot. It is light enough to yield high fractions of gasoline and middle distillates without excessive processing costs, but heavy enough to produce the full range of products that complex refineries are designed to process. It is what petroleum engineers call an optimal blend crude. Now compare the alternatives. Venezuelan Merey heavy crude runs at approximately 16 degrees API gravity with sulfur between 3 and 5 percent. Refining it profitably requires a coking unit, a hydrocracker, and an extensive desulfurization train. The equipment exists. The economics work for refineries purpose-built around Venezuelan feedstock. It is not a substitute for Iranian crude. It is a different product requiring different industrial infrastructure. US West Texas Intermediate runs at 39 to 40 degrees API with sulfur below 0.25 percent. In theory, the cleanest and easiest crude to process. In practice, it is so light that it does not yield the heavier middle distillates a complex refinery needs to run at full capacity. European and Asian refineries built around medium crudes cannot switch to WTI without blending it with heavier crudes to achieve the molecular weight distribution their process units require. WTI is not a drop-in replacement for Iranian medium. Iranian oil fits where both US shale and Venezuelan heavy do not. It is the liquid that flows through the middle of the global refining system without requiring either the coking infrastructure for heavy crudes or the blending operations for ultra-light shale. That molecular fit is why it commands a persistent premium above comparable grades. It is why Indian refineries maintained Iranian crude purchases through every round of sanctions and negotiated the logistics to keep that flow moving. It is why the Dubai shadow banking and trading network that the UAE is now considering dismantling existed in the first place. The Strait of Hormuz does not just carry oil. It carries the specific category of oil that the global refining system was built to process most efficiently. Closing it does not just reduce supply. It removes the grade of crude that the system runs best on and forces every refinery in the world to run less efficiently on whatever it can find as a substitute. That is the premium embedded in the $82 oil price. Not just volume. Molecular weight. open.substack.com/pub/shanakaans…

@TheAfricaReport The industrial lithium battery complex should set up shop in Zimbabwe so as to make the batteries more affordable with many logistics charges of the raw materials.

Zimbabwe’s sudden lithium export ban has sent shockwaves through Chinese industrial circles, jeopardising a critical feedstock that accounted for 19% of China’s imports and forcing a crucial stress test of Beijing’s battery supply chain.

@RexOmolleh Why Obamma and Sakozy killed Muammar Gaddafi baffles me thoughts. Their genocidal activities of human sacrifice and destabilizing nations that differ with their ways is what they are good at and it is uncouth to say the least.

No one owes you anything Barack Obama is one of the most influential leaders of modern history, known worldwide for his presidency, powerful communication skills, and disciplined mindset shaped by adversity, responsibility, and long-term vision. Obama reminds us that nothing meaningful is handed to you.

@RexOmolleh It is important for Mwananchi to understand that the MCA has no Executive Powers which are held by the County Governor Office. Most Development Projects are actioned by the Office of the County Governor. CA does legislation and Check on Executive office activities.

Civic education is essential. It empowers citizens to clearly understand the roles, responsibilities, and limits of different public offices, enabling informed participation in governance. #CivicEngagement | Harembee Stars | State House | Babu Owino | TVET | NHIF

@thejam984 @JuneGachui @Palloti76 Hot3@3 Rhumba by @wanavokali Afro by leswanyika Bembea by Ali B Shukurani za Dhati

East African nations have reached a formal consensus to integrate traditional medicine into their public healthcare systems. Soon, health facilities will have dedicated Traditional Medicine units where patients can choose between synthetic medicine and traditional medicine 👏🏽

@_KithureKindiki But those are county government functions.

MERU TOWN, NORTH IMENTI CONSTITUENCY, MERU COUNTY, KENYA MONDAY, MARCH 2, 2026 Construction of new facilities is ongoing at the Meru Teaching and Referral Hospital, to establish a new twin tower hospital complex with modern facilities at a cost of 1 billion shillings. The expansion will see the hospital offer specialised facilities like delicate surgical procedures, cancer and kidney treatment to pave way for the hospital’s elevation from the current Level 5 to Level 6, a National Teaching and Referral Hospital. The upgraded facility will shorten journeys and cut costs for residents of Meru, Tharaka Nithi, Embu, Isiolo, Marsabit and Laikipia Counties who currently have to travel to Nairobi based Level 6 facilities for specialised treatment of critical and chronic illnesses. Inspected construction works, Meru Teaching and Referral Hospital, urged expedited but quality work, and completion on schedule. With Meru County Governor Mutuma M’Ethingia, Deputy Governor Linda Kiome, Woman Representative Elizabeth Kailemia, Members of Parliament Rahim Dawood (Imenti North), Dan Kiili (Igembe Central), Mpuru Aburi (Tigania East), Dorothy Muthoni (Nominated), MCAs and

LUO NATION DO NOT STONE ME I'M YOUR SON FROM SIAYA Luo Nation, let’s speak without fear and without selective memory. You are angry because Edwin Sifuna is seen working with Rigathi Gachagua because Gachagua once mocked Raila Odinga. Fine. But answer these questions boldly. Did you protest when Raila worked with Daniel arap Moi, the same Moi who detained him for years and denied him the chance to bury his own mother? Did you revolt when Raila shook hands with Mwai Kibaki after the stolen victory? Did you reject him when he partnered with Uhuru Kenyatta, who publicly insulted him? Did you resign from politics when he worked with William Ruto, the same man who reduced Luos to an insult? You did not. So why now? Why does your courage only appear when it is convenient? Why does your outrage only wake up when it is safe? Why do you become moral judges for others while you defended every alliance Baba ever made? If you were TEAM WANTAM then, you cannot suddenly become gatekeepers of political friendships today. Unless you are something else in our midst. Let’s be honest with ourselves. Politics is not church choir practice. It is strategy. It is survival. It is power. And power is taken through numbers and alliances not through emotional tantrums. If working with someone anyone weakens Ruto’s grip and pushes him toward one term, why are you trembling? Who told you @rigathi is running for president? Who planted that fear in your head? Why are you fighting shadows instead of focusing on the real contest ahead? Think. You cannot cheer alliances when they benefit your side and condemn them when they don’t suit your personal feelings. That is not principle that is hypocrisy. And hypocrisy is what weakens nations. Let @edwinsifuna make his moves. Judge results, not rumours. If it strengthens the mission, support it. If it weakens the mission, question it but do so consistently. We cannot afford emotional politics. We cannot afford selective outrage. We cannot afford intellectual laziness. This is a serious season. A season where kenya has decided RUTO MUST GO. So ask yourself: are you fighting for change or are you just fighting noise?

On my way to the car wash I saw a young man lying on the grass alone, cold, finished. At first I dismissed him. “Drunk.” That’s what we’ve been trained to think. Blame the victim. Move on. But something inside me refused. I woke him up. He wasn’t drunk. He wasn’t high. He wasn’t sick. He was exhausted. Exhausted with life. DENNIS NGAO 0795400561 works at a mattress company along Njiru–Mwiki road. Today there was no work. “Go home,” they told him as if home feeds you. As if rent waits. As if hunger understands excuses. He walks from Sunton to Njiru every single day because even fare is a luxury. Sad. He makes mattresses the very symbol of comfort yet he cannot afford rest. He builds softness for others while sleeping on grass like a discarded animal. And then he shocked me even more. Born again Christian. No alcohol. No drugs. No crime. Just prayer and hard work. Prayer and hard work. That sentence broke me. I got into my car and I cried. Not soft tears. The kind that tear your chest open. Because out here, people are drowning quietly. Good people. Disciplined people. Believing people. Hard-working people. Meanwhile, the children of power dine like royalty. They travel for fun. They flash money like confetti. They don’t know what it means to choose between lunch and bus fare. They don’t know what it means to walk kilometers because a hundred shillings is the difference between food and hunger. There are two Kenyas. One Kenya eats. One Kenya survives. One Kenya sleeps on orthopedic mattresses. One Kenya sleeps on grass. And we are told to be patient. To clap. To sing. To fight tribal wars for people whose children will never queue for casual labor. Enough. 2027 is not about slogans. It is not about party colors. It is not about who shouts louder. It is about dignity. It is about whether a young man who works honestly must collapse on roadside grass because the system has squeezed him dry. It is about whether leadership in Kenya serves the powerful few or protects the struggling majority. We will vote like our lives depend on it because they do. We will vote like hunger is on the ballot because it is. We will vote like dignity is on the ballot because it is. No more emotional blackmail. No more tribal hypnosis. No more celebrating crumbs while our youth break under silent suffering. That young man on the grass is not a statistic. He is Kenya. And if this nation does not change course, more of our brothers will sleep on grass while the powerful sleep in silk. Let this pain burn. Let it wake us up. Let it turn into resolve. Because a country that makes its hardworking sons cry on the roadside has lost its moral right to comfort. 2027 is not a game. It is survival. Turushie kijana za cabbage and may God open his ways.

@RobertAlai I don't know how you will pay for an item that has different price tags at the shelf and the till !?

I have been a member of PAC and PIC in the Nairobi City County Assembly, the second-largest parliament in Kenya, out of the 49 parliaments we have. I have found out that Kenya's problem has nothing to do with corruption and everything to do with intellectual laziness masquerading as accountability journalism. The article claiming that the cost of Talanta Sports City Stadium was “inflated by Sh11 billion” is an example of how numbers are weaponised, context is buried, and outrage is manufactured. Guys, Audit Reports are not engineering Bibles How is it that the Daily Nation has treated audit opinion as a technical verdict? The Auditor-General’s office has a constitutional role, but it is not a quantity surveying firm, an engineering consultancy, or a project valuation authority. Auditors interrogate process and compliance, not market-based construction economics. When an audit report opines that a complex FIFA-grade stadium “should” have cost less, the obvious question is: based on which global benchmarks, which comparable projects, and which professional cost models? The article never asks. It simply assumes. This is where journalism should begin. Instead, it ends. The KSh11 billion figure is thrown around as if construction costs exist in a vacuum. I would love to see the article analyse the project cost vis-à-vis the global construction costs and trends between 2022 and 2025. Didn't we have steel price volatility, logistics and shipping shocks, foreign exchange instability etc.... None of this appears in the article. No attempt is made to situate Talanta Stadium within the real market conditions under which it is being built. The article assumes that Kenya can build a modern, international-standard sports complex using pre-pandemic computation. That is not accountability. When did procedure become proof of plunder? How is it that procedural questions have been turned into moral conclusions? Direct procurement is not illegal per se. Kenyan law allows it when there is an urgency, national interest, or specialised work is required. A national stadium tied to continental tournaments, international diplomacy, and national branding qualifies for such exceptions. Our journalists must know that audit regurgitation is and shall never be investigative journalism I would have loved to see the opinions of independent engineers and professional quantity surveyors, global stadium cost comparisons, or even alternative estimates from the project team. Instead, the article simply repackages selected audit excerpts, strips them of nuance, and presents them as definitive truth. This is not an investigation. It is copy-paste indignation. Real journalism tests claims. The media house publishing this story knows exactly what it is doing. “Inflated by Sh11 billion” is a designed provocation. In the article, there is no follow-up on completion benchmarks, no explanation of what value the stadium delivers beyond concrete and steel. In the Ruto reign, the Kenyan media is trying to build public cynicism, investor fear, and institutional paralysis. Raila Odinga, whose political life was dedicated to institutional reform, always understood that strong oversight must coexist with the courage to execute. The article represents a culture that treats every large project as a crime scene and every number as a smoking gun. That mindset does not protect taxpayers. It condemns the country to permanent smallness. If Talanta Sports City Stadium were tendered today, under current global conditions, would it be cheaper or more expensive?