Solomonic Lineage

@elonmusk You benefited from those same laws to fund that rocket launch of yours

South Africa has extremely racist laws

@Thechat101 The guy is cooking however I think that's why the album is out, ye took that sacrifice.

Van Lathan reacts to Kanye west bully album. He says sonically it sounded good but he wasn’t saying anything on the records

@ItsPriddyUgly @Lowfeye__ This guy ticks all the boxes but his identity seems to be a crisis

“BAGS ON BAGS” Been ‘bout it ngisafunda esgela. @Lowfeye__

@Vuittots Witsi dilo mara otswa pitori ake makale

Chaos In The CBD 🔥

@SizweLo Shoprite usave is the perfect example to look at. It's already working Floyd's only leveraging on it.

Julius Malema recently said Floyd Shivambu is “behaving like a potential patient of a mental hospital”, and to be honest, Floyd’s moves are just too strange to make sense of. I suspect the primary reason most of us don’t understand what Floyd Shivambu is doing is that his political strategy is rooted in international Marxist–Leninist theory. Following Leninist thinking alongside South African history, Floyd aims to emulate the grassroots “street committees” of the 1980s when major political parties were banned and lacked a formal presence inside the country, and so the people organised through civic associations, student and religious groups, trade unions, etc, to create “people’s power” at the local level. On David Mashabela’s podcast, Floyd spoke about building 23,292 structures, one for every voting district. This, he believes, can recreate this “capillary” power of the 1980s organisations. Yes, this sounds insane. Not so long ago, Godrich Gardee lamented how expensive South Africa’s democracy has become. Floyd is attempting to bypass this obstacle by arguing that if you control the Voting District, the Oppenheimer resources of parties like the GNU become irrelevant because the voters’ primary loyalty is to their local organiser. Floyd is likely looking to Latin America for evidence that radical left movements can break neoliberal dominance. Movements like Evo Morales’s MAS in Bolivia and Hugo Chávez’s movement in Venezuela started as grassroots coalitions of indigenous groups, labour unions, and the unemployed. They faced established, far more resourced players backed by international capital, but won by organising the excluded. Floyd is a self-described Leninist. But more to the point, his ideology follows the concept of the Maoist Mass Line, which involves “consulting” the masses, refining their grievances into a political programme, and then bringing that programme back to them to mobilise. This is what that whole “national consultation process” Sizwe Dhlomo criticised him for was all about. By physically walking through what he refers to as “dusty, windblown wards” and creating ward-specific communication channels, Floyd aims to turn localised frustration into a national activist bloc. For inspiration, Floyd appears to also be looking at the Unemployed People’s Movement, which successfully litigated for the dissolution of a failing council and then contested elections as a broad front, winning seats and displacing the ANC as a primary voice for the poor. He uses these examples to argue that the ANC’s state incapacity creates a vacuum that a disciplined, local-first movement can fill, regardless of the opponent’s budget. Floyd is essentially trying to replicate the 1980s Street Committees and is gambling on a governance hole left by the ANC, believing that it is so large that people will cling to anyone who provides a sense of local order, but importantly, that voters are becoming allergic to loud-hailing leaders. He believes South Africa is currently in a state of “hegemonic impasse” where the ruling elite in the GNU can no longer lead, but a new movement hasn’t yet taken over. Or as Gramsci said, “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters”. To Floyd, the GNU is the time of monsters. He intends to win not by outspending the Oppenheimers and the Moshals, but by out-organising them at the doorstep level. In fact, this mindset is the reason he left the EFF and subsequently the MKP because he tried, unsuccessfully, to turn both parties away from their established “Commander-in-Chief” model where one man’s word is law. Meanwhile, to Julius, leaving the third and fourth-largest parties to start a new one looks like political suicide. However, in his own mind, Floyd is following the Leninist “capillary model” built on disciplined, institutional party structures. To be clear, Julius isn’t wrong from a pragmatic standpoint. In post-1994 South Africa, starting a party from scratch without a massive war chest is historically a suicide mission. Still, Floyd, as he told Mashabela, believes that in local government elections, people don’t vote for a “president”; they vote for the person who can fix their specific ward. So, by building thousands of ward-level structures, he is trying to become the default local choice in communities where the ANC has collapsed, and other parties have failed to find a footing. Essentially, he is looking to hyper-localise political organisation at a point where people vote not for him, but for the guy next door, because he believes that’s what they identify with. He believes there is a significant portion of the population that is disengaged from politics. He plans to bring these people to the fore by convincing them that they are their own liberators. In summation, Julius thinks Shivambu is crazy for walking away from a “throne” as the EFF Deputy President, while Floyd thinks Malema is a patient of the status quo, because the latter is satisfied with 10% and a seat in Parliament. In this sense, Julius is a pragmatist operating within the existing system where he wants to win seats, build a recognisable brand, and leverage parliamentary presence. The EFF president believes South Africa is a stable, if flawed, liberal democracy where you win power by playing the game better than others, having a better media strategy, better slogans, better coalitions, and a stronger brand. To him, the 2024 election results, in which the ANC lost its majority, prove that the system is competitive. In this view, the EFF’s 9.5% is a foundation to build upon towards 15% or 25%. Most critically, though, the EFF itself was built in Julius’s image. The red berets, the military-style command, the parliamentary disruptions, all of it is an extension of his personality. Floyd’s Leninist/Maoist bend is actually an open critique of this model. The real prize, in the latter’s view, is capturing the social fabric at the ward level, where organisation is more potent than visibility. This is ultimately an irreconcilable disagreement between the two about what politics is actually for. Julius is playing the game of parliamentary politics as we know it today. Floyd is attempting to change the rules of the game entirely, taking a high-risk gamble that the field itself is about to collapse, Gramsci-style. Whether history will judge Floyd as a visionary or a deluded ideologue depends entirely on whether his diagnosis of South Africa’s terminal decline is correct. In other words, do the 2024 election results mean South Africa is structurally decaying, or simply undergoing competitive realignment? The answer determines whether Floyd is deluded… or just early.

@cfcShadow @VascoDagama369 @GodPenuel @LeratoPillayZA That's your insinuations. I'm not going to educate you on something that must be done by your Father.

@VascoDagama369 @only_fax @GodPenuel @LeratoPillayZA bro said it like spectrum is s medical condition 😂

Why is Autism so common these days? What are we doing wrong?

@LeratoPillayZA @GodPenuel There's a reason why fundamentals should not be shared explicitly to avoid lack of responsibility. Misinformation and disinformation has its own place and that place is X for entertainment purposes.

@only_fax @GodPenuel You could’ve told us your fundamental understanding

@GodPenuel @LeratoPillayZA Clearly you don't have a fundamental understanding of autism as a spectrum.

@LeratoPillayZA My GUESS: - Contraceptives - Immunizations - GMO Foods - Morning Afters - Pregnancy Supplements - Radiation from cellphones, laptops, network towers, microwaves. - Lack of nature & sunlight - Hair & body products Now imagine a combo of these???

@kuttloanoo Nandos is Pedro's parent company

pedros chicken is just boiled chicken basted with an overwhelming amount of sauce

@simeonaccount They call it mochaina

Being sold to another taxi is an experience you can't even explain😂

@lavidaNOTA @DjMaphorisa Music business is more like quantum physics no everyone will get it

@DjMaphorisa You’re too young to forget you sampled camino de sol & they claimed 100% of the publishing Alzheimer… Almost 10years since One Dance & you’re not even owe 1cent on that. Add 49cents & I can explain for you like 50 told me, if they hate then lettem hate & watch the money pile up!

@KabeloMusic Gemini 2 gemini

Grootman, ke e feng filter eo?

@KabeloMusic The wardrobe is insane

Lol my goat🤣

@compzard Megan sport

What car are you buying next year? Speak into existence.

@TshepoJeans @PhunyukaBamphet Lies

@PhunyukaBamphet This one is inspired by Venda wrestlers…

Finest Quality ✊🏿

@sahiphop247 This is fake and it's written all over it . SAHIHOP247 is opp.

Ye (fka Kanye West) compiled a list of individuals he feels have betrayed him.

@Rouge_Rapper This fake news to discredit him by the juice and their puppets

This guys isn’t coming

@nasiphim @eugene_modise @Rambohannes Boxer Deneboom should be next on the list

The City closed down Super Spar operating at Denlyn Shopping Centre in Mamelodi. This store has been issued with three prior notices for operating without a trading licence. Today, we closed them down. Deputy Mayor @eugene_modise and MMC for Community Safety @Rambohannes led our by law-enforcement efforts. @CityTshwane

@pontsho_mp A veterinarian

Teachers are going through a lot shem

@TheZingOne Tribal war first then civil war. In that Order!