Yuri Bezmenov's Ghost@Ne_pas_couvrir
India under Modi is using state power to raise a collective ethno Hindu-national consciousness through Hindutva. Nothing has changed that.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the public face of a much larger project. It runs through two closely linked institutions: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or RSS, the Hindu nationalist volunteer network founded in 1925, and the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, the party Modi leads and that has governed India since 2014. The RSS supplies the worldview, discipline, cadre, and ground network. The BJP supplies the electoral vehicle and the levers of state power. Together, they have turned historical grievance into mass identity, institutional control, and a self-feeding cycle of rupture, awakening, and repair.
The pattern is familiar: first comes the wound, then consciousness-raising, then political repair. In India, the process is unusually disciplined because it is backed by a dense organizational ecosystem. The wound creates the emotional charge. The RSS turns that wound into a unified Hindu identity that cuts across caste, language, sect, and region. The BJP converts that awakened identity into votes, mandates, and state action. Each victory becomes proof that the awakening works, which feeds the cycle again.
In Hindutva’s story, the wound is civilizational fracture. Hindu India was broken by centuries of foreign rule: first Islamic conquest and empire, then British colonialism. Political power was lost. Cultural control was imposed from outside. After independence in 1947, the injury supposedly continued through “pseudo-secularism,” where the Hindu majority was treated as the safe default group while minorities received special protections through personal laws, institutions, and political patronage.
In this telling, Hindus became politically scattered, divided by caste and region, and cut off from their own civilizational memory. The past becomes a live political problem. The core people of India were broken, and now they must remember who they are.
That is where consciousness-raising begins. Savarkar’s early Hindutva framework moved “Hindu” beyond private worship and ritual into a broader cultural-national identity. Hindu became a civilizational category, capable of folding Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, and Buddhists into one larger peoplehood. The goal was national formation.
The RSS is the daily machine that plants this identity. Through local shakhas, or branches, volunteers are shaped by drills, songs, talks, discipline, and shared stories of Hindu history and unity. The RSS produces cadre. It builds memory. It trains people into a shared identity and plugs them into a wider social network.
The BJP then turns that formation into state power. Since Modi came to national office in 2014, the BJP has used government to deliver visible symbolic and institutional wins. The Ram Temple at Ayodhya is the clearest example: a civilizational wound turned into a state-backed victory, broadcast as proof that history is being repaired. Other moves, including the Citizenship Amendment Act, textbook changes, welfare schemes wrapped in national-unity rhetoric, and the broader language of Bharat, follow the same pattern. The state becomes the instrument of civilizational repair.
That is why the cycle keeps strengthening. The wound justifies the awakening. The awakening wins elections. Elections produce state action. State action becomes proof. Proof deepens the awakening.
The recent state votes only reinforce the pattern. The BJP took West Bengal and retained Assam, while communists lost Kerala. For Hindutva politics, Bengal especially matters: another hostile region pulled into the saffron map, another symbolic conquest, another sign that the machine still works.