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NDC Plateau: Silence Is No Longer Golden By Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi The open press conference by Hon. David Lahandu Dama announcing his resignation from the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) and his decision to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP) should not be dismissed as the routine defection of yet another politician. Whether one agrees with his reasons or not, the allegations he has raised are serious enough to warrant a timely, transparent, and credible response from the leadership of the NDC. Political parties are not weakened simply because members leave. They are weakened when those who remain are left without answers. Hon. Dama has alleged a collapse of internal democracy, candidate imposition, denial of fair hearing, and what he describes as "dictatorial conduct" within the party. These are his allegations, and they deserve either a factual rebuttal or an acknowledgement of any shortcomings where necessary. Silence creates a vacuum, and in politics, that vacuum is often filled by speculation. The situation in Plateau State is further complicated by allegations regarding Hon. Ndam's longstanding ties with the APC, where he reportedly began his political ‘career’ as one of the party's founding members. Questions are now being asked: Was Ndam’s involvement in the Labour Party *merely a political secondment?, especially the frontline role of Ndam during internal factional crisis that tore Labour Party apart. Is the same pattern now being replicated in the NDC, as alleged by Hon Dama et al?* These questions may be uncomfortable, but they cannot simply be ignored. The immediate responsibility, therefore, rests with the Chairman of the NDC in Plateau State. At this stage, silence will not be golden. Party members deserve clarity. Who is the "dictator" Hon. Dama referred to in his resignation letter? *When the suspension of Hon Dama was announced in social media, was it a product of* disciplinary procedures conducted in accordance with the party's constitution and the principles of natural justice? What genuine efforts were made to reconcile aggrieved members after the primaries? What steps are being taken to reassure party faithful who have now received an open invitation from Hon. Dama to abandon the NDC for another political platform? These are legitimate questions. They are not questions of hostility but of leadership. The national leadership of the NDC also bears an important responsibility. The Plateau situation should not be viewed as merely a state chapter dispute. Every internal conflict carries national consequences, particularly for a party seeking to present itself as a credible democratic alternative in 2027. The greatest danger is not that one aspirant has left. The greater danger is allowing the perception to take root that grievances are ignored, reconciliation is absent, and internal communication has broken down. Leadership is tested most severely during moments of internal disagreement. This is the moment for visible leadership—not administrative silence. The national leadership should immediately initiate a reconciliation process, engage critical stakeholders across Plateau State, provide members with an honest assessment of the issues in contention, and communicate clearly the concrete steps being taken to strengthen internal democracy and restore confidence. Transparency is not a sign of weakness. It is one of democracy's greatest strengths. There is an old saying that no responsible homeowner goes to sleep while fire is burning on the roof. The Plateau chapter of the NDC may not yet be consumed by flames, but the smoke is already visible enough to demand urgent attention. The task before the party is no longer merely to defend its image. It is to restore confidence. For a party that hopes to harness the growing democratic aspirations of Nigerians in 2027, internal cohesion is not optional—it is strategic. Reconciliation is not a favour to aggrieved members; it is an investment in the party's credibility. The NDC must therefore extinguish the fire beneath its roof before it spreads beyond Plateau State. The time to act is now. @SaharaReporters @PeterObi @KwankwasoRM @PremiumTimesng @Seriake_Dickson @ruffydfire @seunokin @AishaYesufu ​#PlateauPolitics #NigeriaPolitics #2027Elections

@lakezWrites @Ola_adesakin Esss No Dubai slander will be allowed 😹

@shillypepper1 @Ola_adesakin Of all that moves and creeps upon the earth. 😂😂

What country are you supporting for the World Cup? So I can banter you when they lose😂 Rules - You can only pick one Only Today counts I’m supporting Spain 🇪🇸

@lakezWrites @Ola_adesakin Be like me, support the winning team 💪🏾

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@akinyemiobolaji Your article presents the thesis more systematically while preserving your reformist perspective and a strong advocacy for a return to the spirit of the 1963 Republican Constitution. Great insight for everyone in the nation building push to embrace.

@akinyemiobolaji Your argument raises a fundamental constitutional question: can development commissions imposed from the centre achieve the same outcomes as regional institutions created by the people through democratic consent?

NIGERIA AND THE FAULT LINES OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT COMMISSIONS By Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi The establishment of Regional Development Commissions by the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has reopened an important national conversation on the nature of Nigeria's federalism, the structure of development, and the relationship between the centre and the federating units. While the intention behind these commissions may be to accelerate development and address historical imbalances across Nigeria's geopolitical zones, which of course may support those pushing the readiness of the President to fix Nigeria, the manner of their conception and implementation exposes the deeper contradictions within Nigeria's over-centralised political system. This reduces the bold step to an ambition in power. The fundamental question is this: Can regional development be sustainably achieved through institutions designed from the top down, rather than from the bottom up? History suggests otherwise. In every functioning democracy, enduring institutions emerge from the consent and participation of the people. Governance structures that enjoy legitimacy are ethically and politically built from the grassroots upward. They derive their authority from the people and remain accountable to them. The Regional Development Commissions, as presently constituted, fail this democratic test. The appointment of their governing boards by the Federal Government does not reduce the excessive concentration of power at the centre. Rather, it further complicates it. What ought to have been instruments of regional self-determination risk becoming extensions of presidential patronage. Recent allegations of corruption and mismanagement surrounding the South East Development Commission (SEDC), including concerns reportedly raised by prominent figures from the region such as Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, illustrate the inherent weaknesses of structures that are insulated from direct regional accountability. This should not surprise us. The corruption of democratic processes is often the foundation upon which other forms of corruption are built. Once the pathway to power circumvents the genuine will of the people, transparency and accountability become difficult to sustain. Institutions begin to serve political interests rather than public purposes. It is within this context that the intervention of Professor Chidi Odinkalu at the 3rd Anniversary lecture of Otti's administration becomes relevant. In challenging the narrative of South-East marginalisation, Odinkalu points to the complicity of local elites and the failures of internal leadership. His argument reminds us that exclusion is not always externally imposed; it can also be internally sustained through elite conspiracy, weak institutions, and the absence of accountability. The lesson extends beyond the South-East. Development cannot be outsourced to commissions alone. Nor can it be achieved through bureaucratic structures disconnected from the people they are meant to serve. Nigeria has travelled this road before. The competitive development witnessed during the First Republic was not accidental. It was the product of a constitutional arrangement that recognised the regions as genuine centres of political and economic initiative. The Northern Region pursued agricultural expansion and educational advancement. The Western Region introduced free primary education and established the first television station in Africa. The Eastern Region embarked on industrialisation and infrastructure development. These achievements were possible because the regions possessed constitutional autonomy, controlled substantial portions of their resources, and were led by governments directly accountable to their people. The vision followed the structure. Today's Regional Development Commissions attempt to reverse that sequence. They seek to impose the cart before the horse by expecting centrally controlled agencies to replicate outcomes that were originally produced by constitutionally empowered regional governments. Normalcy cannot emerge from structural contradiction. It is therefore understandable that citizens from regions outside the territory of a commission may question its fairness, just as citizens within those regions may complain about corruption and inefficiency. However, reducing the conversation to regional performance rivalry misses the point entirely. The problem is not the existence of development commissions. The problem is their foundation. A poorly conceived structure cannot consistently produce good governance. Nigeria does not merely need better commissions; it needs a better constitutional arrangement. The Way Forward If Regional Development Commissions are to become instruments of genuine transformation rather than vehicles for patronage, certain reforms are imperative. First, the commissions should be restructured to reflect regional ownership. Their leadership should emerge substantially through processes involving state governments, regional legislatures, traditional institutions, organised private sector groups, professional bodies, and civil society organisations within the affected regions. Second, transparent mechanisms for citizen participation and oversight should be institutionalised. Public hearings, annual reporting obligations, independent audits, and citizens' monitoring platforms should become mandatory. Third, funding arrangements must encourage responsibility rather than dependence. Regions should progressively contribute to, and exercise greater control over, their development priorities. Fourth, and most importantly, Nigeria must confront the constitutional question it has postponed for decades. The present unitary tendencies embedded within the 1999 Constitution continue to undermine the federal spirit upon which Nigeria was originally founded. The time has come for an honest national conversation about returning to the principles of the 1963 Republican Constitution, adapted where necessary to contemporary realities. This is not an exercise in nostalgia. It is a recognition that true federalism places decision-making closer to the people, encourages healthy competition among constituent units, promotes innovation, and reduces the dangerous overdependence on the federal centre. A people-owned regional structure would not eliminate corruption overnight. No constitutional arrangement can achieve that. But it would deepen accountability by ensuring that those who exercise power do so under the watchful eyes of the communities they serve. Nigeria's future depends not merely on creating new institutions but on creating legitimate institutions. Development imposed from Abuja may deliver projects. Development owned by the people can transform societies. The choice before Nigeria is therefore clear. We may continue expanding the architecture of centralised administration under different names, or we may undertake the difficult but necessary task of rebuilding the federal compact envisioned by the architects of the First Republic. Only the latter offers a realistic pathway towards a stable, prosperous, and truly united Nigeria. For until the structure reflects the sovereignty of the people, the promise of development will remain vulnerable to the very fault lines it seeks to address.

@yabaleftonline The question is not whether Kwankwasiyya and Obidient movements can be integrated. The real question is: integrated into what vision for Nigeria? Without a compelling national agenda, integration is only arithmetic, not transformation.

Political commentary often says more about present tensions than past records. Leaders are not “made saints” by successors or opponents; they are assessed by history, institutions, and the lived experiences of citizens. If anything, this reflects how quickly political narratives are reshaped in Nigeria’s evolving democratic space.

Alex Chioma Otti: Abia State Sales Executive Officer By Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi There are several responsibilities attached to the office of governor that neither constitutional design nor professional training adequately prepares many occupants to perform. One of the greatest contradictions in Nigeria's federal arrangement is that governors are designated as Chief Security Officers of their states, yet they possess little operational control over the security architecture expected to guarantee the safety of their citizens. They bear the political responsibility without possessing the corresponding command authority. Faced with such limitations, successful governors often discover that excellence in governance requires skills beyond those prescribed by the Constitution. They must become diplomats, negotiators, marketers, financiers, strategists, and sometimes crisis managers. Dr. Alex Chioma Otti appears to understand this reality. His appearance at the ongoing Invest Lagos Summit 3.0 demonstrated that modern governance extends beyond building roads and paying salaries. It also involves marketing a state as an investment destination. The summit itself was designed as a marketplace of ideas and capital. Under the theme "Lagos: The Business Gateway to Africa," it assembled investors, policymakers, development institutions, and business leaders seeking credible opportunities across the country. One of the key features was the Governors' Investment Showcase, where state leaders were expected to present their states as viable destinations for investment. This was where Otti stood out. Observers noted that rather than dwelling on future aspirations, he reportedly concentrated on present realities. He highlighted Abia's long-term development vision, the state's infrastructure investments, improvements in transportation networks, road rehabilitation efforts, power initiatives, healthcare opportunities, and emerging industrial corridors. In essence, he sold certainty. Investors are rarely persuaded by political rhetoric. They are persuaded by evidence that risks are reducing and opportunities are increasing. Otti's message appears to have been simple: "We have begun the work. The foundation is being laid. The environment is becoming conducive. Come and partner with us." That is the language investors understand. His banking background was evident. Before becoming governor, Otti spent decades in the financial services sector, rising to become a respected banking executive. Consequently, he understands that capital is attracted not merely by potential but by confidence, credibility, and clarity of vision. This explains why his pitch reportedly focused on sectors where opportunities already exist rather than sectors existing only in government brochures. The significance of this should not be underestimated. In today's competitive economy, states compete just as corporations do. Capital has choices. Investors can go to Lagos, Nairobi, Kigali, Accra, Johannesburg, or Cairo. Within Nigeria, they can choose among thirty-six states. A governor who understands this reality must become more than an administrator. He must become the Chief Marketing Officer of his state. He must become its chief investment ambassador. He must become its lead salesman. This is precisely the role Alex Otti appeared to play at the Invest Lagos Summit. Whether one agrees with every policy of his administration or not, his participation demonstrated an important principle of contemporary governance: development follows investment, and investment follows confidence. Roads, power, transportation, healthcare facilities, industrial parks, technology hubs, and manufacturing clusters all require capital. Governments alone cannot provide all of it. They must attract partners. That is why Otti's performance at the Lagos summit deserves attention. He was not merely speaking as Governor of Abia State. He was functioning as the state's Chief Executive Salesman—seeking patronage, partnerships, and capital for the product called Abia. And in an era when states must increasingly compete for investment rather than wait for federal allocations, that may prove to be one of the most important roles a governor can perform. @alexottiofr #Abiatstate

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Adebayo Victor and the New Nigeria: When Institutions Learn That Citizens Can No Longer Be Ignored By Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi I must begin by commending the painstaking work of legal analyst Isah Bala Garba in bringing the decision in Victor v. Federal University of Technology, Akure (2026) 8 NWLR (Pt. 2044) 33 within the reach of ordinary Nigerians. The review is not merely a legal commentary. It is a civic education document. It tells the story of one citizen's refusal to surrender his future to institutional indifference. It reminds us that justice may be delayed, but it need not be abandoned. And perhaps most importantly, it signals a cultural shift that every Nigerian student, parent, lecturer, administrator, regulator, and public servant must understand. The culture is changing. Institutions are no longer beyond question. Authority is no longer above accountability. And citizens are no longer expected to quietly accept decisions that are manifestly unfair. For me, the most important person in this entire story is not the university. It is not even the Supreme Court. It is Adebayo Victor. Victor represents a generation of Nigerians that is gradually emerging before our eyes. A generation that asks questions. A generation that demands explanations. A generation that insists on transparency. A generation that is unwilling to surrender its future to errors, negligence, bureaucracy, or abuse of institutional power. For almost two decades, this young man pursued what many considered impossible. He was told, directly and indirectly, to move on. He was told, directly and indirectly, to accept his fate. He was told, directly and indirectly, that institutions do not make mistakes. Yet he persisted. And in the end, the institution that insisted he deserved a Second Class Lower Division was compelled to admit that he was right all along. Pause and think about that. The issue was not merely the difference between a Second Class Lower and a Second Class Upper. The issue was the difference between truth and error. The issue was whether a citizen has the right to challenge institutional decisions. The issue was whether accountability has a place within Nigerian institutions. The issue was whether justice can still prevail when the individual confronts a powerful establishment. The Supreme Court has now answered those questions. The answer is yes. For decades, many Nigerian students have operated under the belief that once a result is released, there is little that can be done. Many have suffered silently. Many have carried grades they believed were wrongly computed. Many have endured administrative negligence. Many have watched opportunities disappear because of institutional errors. Many simply accepted these outcomes because they believed the university always had the final word. This judgment changes that conversation. Not because the courts have taken over the responsibility of awarding degrees. Far from it. The Supreme Court was careful to reaffirm that universities retain academic autonomy and possess the authority to determine academic standards. However, the court also made something equally important clear. Academic autonomy is not a licence for arbitrariness. University authorities owe students a duty of care. That duty extends beyond classrooms. It extends beyond examinations. It extends beyond graduation ceremonies. It includes fairness. It includes transparency. It includes responsiveness. It includes accountability. And when institutions fail in those duties, they can be called to account. That is the true significance of this judgment. The implications go far beyond FUTA. Every university in Nigeria should pay attention. Every examination body should pay attention. Every professional institute should pay attention. Every regulatory authority should pay attention. The age of unquestioned institutional authority is gradually giving way to the age of accountable institutional authority. That is how mature democracies function. Institutions derive legitimacy not merely from power but from trust. And trust is sustained through transparency. The lesson extends even beyond education. It speaks to the larger Nigerian project. One of the greatest challenges confronting our nation is the culture of helplessness that has crept into public consciousness. Too many citizens have been conditioned to believe that they cannot challenge wrongdoing. Too many people have accepted that powerful institutions will always prevail. Too many have surrendered before even attempting to seek redress. Victor's story confronts that culture. One citizen. One complaint. One conviction. One refusal to quit. And eventually, one victory. There is something deeply symbolic about the fact that he prosecuted much of this battle as a non-lawyer. His story demonstrates that justice is not reserved exclusively for legal professionals. It belongs to every citizen willing to pursue it lawfully, diligently, and persistently. His victory should therefore inspire young Nigerians. Not necessarily to rush to court. Not necessarily to litigate every grievance. But to understand that citizenship comes with rights. And rights have value only when citizens are prepared to defend them. There is another lesson here that deserves attention. The future belongs to young Nigerians who are willing to think. Not merely complain. Think. Not merely protest. Think. Not merely criticize. Think. Victor thought. He questioned. He investigated. He pursued evidence. He challenged assumptions. He followed due process. And he ultimately prevailed. That mindset is the foundation upon which innovative societies are built. The future cannot belong to passive citizens. It belongs to active minds. It belongs to those willing to challenge errors through lawful means. It belongs to those willing to demand excellence from institutions. It belongs to those willing to insist that systems work as they should. This is why I believe that Adebayo Victor represents something larger than himself. He represents the emergence of a new civic culture. A culture in which citizens increasingly understand that public institutions exist to serve the public. A culture in which accountability is becoming normal rather than exceptional. A culture in which transparency is becoming an expectation rather than a favour. A culture in which institutions understand that decisions must not only be made correctly but must also be capable of being defended openly and fairly. The most enduring societies are not those where institutions never make mistakes. They are those where mistakes can be corrected. Where grievances can be heard. Where justice can be obtained. Where citizens are treated with dignity. And where truth ultimately prevails. That is why this case deserves to be studied far beyond the faculties of law. It belongs in our universities. It belongs in our civic education programmes. It belongs in conversations about governance. It belongs in discussions about accountability. It belongs in the story of Nigeria's democratic maturation. As for Adebayo Victor, his victory was never merely about a degree classification. It was about a principle. The principle that institutions must be accountable. The principle that fairness matters. The principle that citizens matter. And the principle that the future belongs to those who refuse to surrender the truth simply because powerful institutions disagree. If the future starts now, then Adebayo Victor is one of the young Nigerians who has shown us what that future can look like. And that future deserves a standing ovation. #education #university #institution

For immediate press release: APOSTOLIC ROUND TABLE (ART) STATE OF THE NATION APOSTOLIC ADVISORY TO THE CHURCH IN NIGERIA "When Prayer Must Walk" 6th, June 2026 To: The Fathers and Mothers of Faith, Church Leaders, Christian Organisations, Christian Educational Institutions, And the Entire Body of Christ in Nigeria. Grace and peace be multiplied unto you through God our Father and our Lord Jesus Christ. The Apostolic Round Table (ART), a convention of apostolic leaders from all walks of life, has observed with deep concern the worsening security situation across our nation. Recent events, particularly the increasing incidents of abductions, attacks on communities, attacks on educational institutions, and the growing atmosphere of fear across many parts of Nigeria, compel us to speak with clarity, courage, and responsibility. We commend the leadership of churches and institutions that are beginning to take proactive measures to safeguard lives. The recent decision by some ministries to review the conduct of night activities is not a sign of fear but a demonstration of wisdom. The Church must remember that faith and wisdom are not enemies. Our Lord Himself instructed His disciples: "Be ye therefore wise as serpents and harmless as doves." The God we serve is not only the God of miracles; He is also the God of intelligence, strategy, foresight, and preservation. When the life of the infant Jesus was threatened, Heaven did not merely issue a prayer point. God spoke to Joseph. God revealed intelligence. God provided direction. God instructed movement. Joseph obeyed. The Child lived. The Kingdom assignment was preserved. The lesson is profound. God did not tell Joseph to organise an all-night vigil in Bethlehem. He told him to move. The preservation of destiny required action. The Church in Nigeria must therefore acknowledge a painful reality: we cannot continue to spiritualise security challenges while neglecting practical responses. The tragedy in Ogbomosho and similar incidents across the nation stand before God and before history as reminders that prayer without corresponding wisdom can expose lives unnecessarily. This is not a time for propaganda. This is not a time for political correctness. This is not a time for statistical gymnastics designed to minimise the pain of citizens. This is a time for honest assessment, strategic action, and national responsibility. Accordingly, the Apostolic Round Table issues the following advisory: 1. Temporary Suspension of Night Vigils We advise all churches across Nigeria to temporarily suspend night vigils, overnight programmes, and activities that require members to travel during vulnerable hours until a comprehensive review of local security conditions is undertaken. Where necessary, such programmes should be converted into evening services ending at reasonable hours that guarantee the safety of worshippers. The preservation of life is a Kingdom responsibility. 2. Immediate Review of Church Security Structures Every church should establish and review security protocols covering: - Access control. - Surveillance systems. - Emergency response procedures. - Volunteer security teams. - Coordination with local security agencies. - Transportation arrangements for members. Every assembly should conduct a security audit without delay. 3. National Review of School Security We call upon Federal and State Governments to immediately review security arrangements around all educational institutions. Where adequate security cannot be guaranteed, precautionary closure and restructuring measures should be considered until the safety of pupils, students, teachers, and administrators can be assured. No nation should gamble with the lives of its children. 4. Immediate National Action for Victims of Abduction We call upon all security agencies and relevant authorities to prioritise the rescue of all citizens presently held in captivity. Every abducted Nigerian matters. Every missing child matters. Every grieving family matters. The recovery of abductees must become a national emergency priority. 5. Suspension of Political Campaign Activities We urge political actors and institutions to place national security above political ambition. The atmosphere of insecurity presently confronting the nation warrants a comprehensive security review before the commencement of extensive political campaigns. A nation under siege must first secure its people. 6. A Call to National Repentance and Leadership Accountability While we advocate practical action, we also recognise the spiritual dimensions of national decline. We therefore call for: - National repentance. - Renewed righteousness. - Ethical leadership. - Justice for victims. - Accountability in governance. - Compassion toward suffering citizens. Prayer remains essential. But prayer must walk. Prayer must think. Prayer must act. Prayer must protect. Prayer must preserve. APOSTOLIC ROUND TABLE 2027 The Apostolic Round Table hereby announces that its next national gathering shall hold on: Date: January 7, 2027 Theme: ONE MAN The burden behind this theme is simple yet urgent. The Body of Christ in Nigeria must enter the next electoral season as One Man. One voice for justice. One voice for security. One voice against genocide. One voice against religious persecution. One voice for righteousness. One voice for national transformation. One voice for the preservation of human dignity. The Church must cease approaching national destiny as fragmented tribes, denominations, and interests. The time has come to stand together as One Body and One Man before God and before history. May the Lord grant wisdom to our leaders, protection to our citizens, courage to our security agencies, comfort to victims, and mercy to our nation. Nigeria shall not fail. The Church shall not retreat. The purposes of God shall prevail. Signed Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi, Apostle and Nation Builder, Convener Apostolic Round Table (ART) 6th, June 2026

Let me specially welcome you to Otti’s table. The Chef behind today’s meal is none other than Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a man whose intellectual kitchen has never been known for sugary servings. I remain your humble waiter at this table of bitter but necessary meals, opening the dishes one after the other for public reflection, civic digestion, and national nourishment. May your appetite for truth be stronger than your discomfort with it. Do enjoy your meal. FIRST COURSE: FROM DESGOBIERNO TO GOVERNMENT THAT CARES By Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi There are societies where government exists only in official letterheads, convoys, and ceremonial speeches. And there are societies where government is felt in the dignity of the people, the functionality of public institutions, the reliability of infrastructure, the safety of lives, and the restoration of hope. The difference between both realities is the difference between governance and what Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu described as “desgobierno.” The word is Spanish. But the experience is painfully Nigerian. Odinkalu used the word to describe the near quarter century experience of Abia State before the emergence of the current administration under Alex Chioma Otti. Translated loosely, “desgobierno” means “un government.” Not merely bad governance. Not incompetence. Not administrative weakness. But the systematic collapse of the very meaning and purpose of government itself. A condition where the state exists physically but disappears morally. A condition where public institutions remain standing but cease to serve public purpose. A condition where political leadership becomes disconnected from the welfare, dignity, aspirations, and security of the people. That diagnosis may sound harsh. But only dishonest observers would deny that many parts of Nigeria have lived through versions of this reality. Roads disappeared. Hospitals collapsed. Schools decayed. Public confidence evaporated. Citizens normalized suffering. Young people internalized hopelessness. Government became distant from society except during elections or revenue sharing. The tragedy was not merely infrastructural decay. The deeper tragedy was psychological. Citizens slowly stopped believing that government could work. And once a people lose faith in governance itself, national decline accelerates dangerously. This is why Odinkalu’s intervention goes beyond praise singing for a governor. He attempts something more important: to diagnose how societies collapse when legitimacy disappears from governance. One of the most powerful arguments in the lecture is that illegitimate political power naturally produces irresponsible governance. A government that does not genuinely derive authority from the people eventually stops caring about the people. When political survival depends not on citizens but on manipulation, patronage, intimidation, judicial compromise, ethnic mobilization, or electoral theft, public welfare becomes secondary. That is one of the bitter truths many societies refuse to confront. Bad governance is often not accidental. It is frequently the offspring of broken legitimacy. Odinkalu therefore reminds citizens that democracy is not merely about voting days. It is about the relationship between legitimacy and accountability. Where leaders genuinely depend on the will of the people, governance improves because political survival becomes connected to public satisfaction. But where power is detached from legitimacy, governance becomes hostile, extractive, and disconnected from human dignity. That was the foundation upon which he built his characterization of Abia’s painful years before the current administration. Yet the lecture did not stop at condemnation. It proceeded toward something more difficult: proof that decline is reversible. At this point during the lecture, my mind travelled beyond governance into another institution essential to nation building: journalism. My comparison was between what Omoyele Sowore built in journalism through Sahara Reporters and what Governor Alex Otti now appears to be building in governance. Both represent alternative experiences within damaged systems. Sowore built an alternative journalism culture rooted in confrontation with power, public accountability, and fearless publication at a time many media institutions had either become compromised, intimidated, or transactional. In similar fashion, what Otti is attempting in Abia represents an alternative governance experience entirely different from what many citizens had come to accept as normal since 1999. Sowore once remarked recently that Governor Otti used to wake him up as early as 4:00 a.m. I smiled at that memory because I, too, spent many nights perpetually knocking on Sowore’s line, practically begging to get published. Speaking out, whether verbally or through writing, is often the beginning of sincere concern for society. That was why many of us gravitated toward platforms and individuals whose credibility gave voice to public frustration when silence had become fashionable. What attracted many citizens to Sahara Reporters was not merely the platform itself, but the integrity the platform represented. Nations are built when individuals occupying different spaces decide to say: “Not on my watch.” Some defend society through journalism. Others through activism. Others through law. Others through public service. The tragedy begins when those who once spoke truth to power eventually become the very betrayal they once resisted. That is why leadership transitions from criticism to responsibility are important tests of character. Many speak well outside power. Few govern well inside power. That is why the Abia experience deserves attention. Whatever political side one belongs to, H.E. Dr. Alex Chioma Otti has, at the very least, given Nigerians born between 1999 and now an opportunity to encounter a different understanding of the word “governance.” Ordinarily, governance should be a standard civic expression. A balanced and natural description of public stewardship. But within the Nigerian experience, governance deteriorated so badly that citizens were forced to begin attaching adjectives to it merely to explain its condition. Bad governance. Failed governance. Criminal governance. And now, perhaps, good governance. In functioning societies, good governance is not advertised as a miracle. It is the expected minimum duty owed to citizens under the constitution. It is from that normalcy that citizenship derives confidence, stability, productivity, and hope. That is the level Nigeria must aspire to. My intervention therefore was not merely to praise visible development, but to draw attention to something deeper: the necessity of preserving and sustaining examples that work. Societies rise when they intentionally protect functional models. If citizens fail to defend performance, societies eventually recycle failure. That is why civic memory matters. May Abia never return to the era where project signboards existed merely as monuments to vanity while achieving nothing meaningful for the people. Many still remember the painful years when public projects became more associated with propaganda than performance. An era when signboards sometimes appeared more important than the projects themselves: “His Excellency the Governor.” “Her Excellency, the Mother of the Governor.” But roads remained abandoned. Public institutions decayed. And citizens suffered beneath official billboards celebrating empty power. Our memories are not as short as political opportunists often assume. And perhaps that memory itself is one of the strongest protections against a return to “desgobierno.” Because whether one agrees politically with Alex Otti or not, the central argument emerging from the Abia experience is this: societies can begin recovering once leadership reconnects governance to purpose. That purpose, according to Odinkalu, is not merely construction projects. It is the restoration of dignity. This distinction is important. Roads alone do not create civilization. Flyovers alone do not restore humanity. Budgets alone do not inspire hope. The true evidence of governance appears when citizens begin once again to feel seen, respected, protected, and remembered by the state. That is why Odinkalu repeatedly returned to the theme of dignity throughout his lecture. The disappearance of refuse heaps. The restoration of salary payments. The return of nighttime economic activity. The renewed confidence in public schools. The revival of public order. The gradual return of civic pride. These may appear ordinary to outsiders. But to societies recovering from prolonged institutional abandonment, they become psychological evidence that government has remembered the people exist. And once citizens begin to recover belief in governance, society itself begins to reorganize positively. Businesses respond. Communities revive. Investment confidence rises. Young people begin to imagine futures again. That is the silent but transformative power of responsible governance. The lesson here extends far beyond Abia State. Nigeria’s crisis is not merely economic. It is fundamentally a crisis of legitimacy, governance, and public trust. Too many citizens encounter government only as punishment, extortion, propaganda, or political theatre. Too few experience government as dignity. That is why this conversation matters nationally. Prof. Odinkalu forces Nigerians to ask difficult civic questions: What is the real purpose of government? Can democracy survive where legitimacy is weak? Can citizens who normalize electoral manipulation genuinely demand accountability afterward? Can societies destroyed by decades of civic hopelessness rebuild trust again? And perhaps most importantly: what happens when a people finally encounter evidence that governance can actually work? These questions are uncomfortable because they transfer responsibility back to both leaders and citizens. They destroy the convenient culture of permanent victimhood. They remind citizens that the future of governance depends not only on leaders but also on the vigilance, memory, and democratic choices of the people themselves. This may well be the first bitter meal served by Prof. Odinkalu: that societies are not destroyed only by bad leaders. They are also destroyed when citizens surrender their collective will, normalize institutional decay, and abandon democratic vigilance. But the hopeful side of that truth is equally powerful. If citizens can participate in civic decline, they can also participate in civic recovery. And perhaps that is the most important lesson from the first course at this table: government can care again. But only when society itself refuses to normalize “desgobierno.” @ott

Because why are you using 3-5 working days to deliver within the same state? Mtchewww

Anytime I order something online and delivery stresses me out, I say a prayer for ElsaLagos becauseee that babe has hacked this customer satisfaction thing!