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@chifarayi @penuelist_ @MmusiMaimane Give us your deep informed take

@penuelist_ @MmusiMaimane Shallow take.

What is this fascination with Zanu PF from the ANC? We have an immigration crisis in the streets of South Africa because of Zanu PF.

@lucky88020 @daddyhope Lina lalikuphi lapho Gatsheni

@daddyhope those explosive were found at his seat, as a passenger if you are found drinking beer you are charged. is not a setup 😳. he was found with explosive or seating with them.

Zimbabwean opposition politician Job Sikhala is due in court tomorrow in South Africa after his arrest in November in Pretoria, following an alleged setup in which explosives were found hidden in his uncle’s car in which he was travelling. The irony, according to his lawyers, is that when the vehicle was stopped, South African police officers moved swiftly to handcuff Sikhala, who was a passenger, while leaving his uncle, the driver and owner of the car, unhandcuffed. They argue that in normal circumstances, the driver and owner of the vehicle would have been treated as the primary suspect, and that this conduct suggests that the operation was targeted specifically at Sikhala. The South African court has given the police until tomorrow’s hearing to conclude the matter, failing which the case risks being dismissed. Very senior officials within the South African police have indicated that Sikhala’s case appears to have been a trap. Job Sikhala has been arrested 68 times in Zimbabwe without a single conviction. Calling on all Zimbabweans who have time tomorrow to go and give him moral support to the brother.

@artfulkwara @CrimeWatchZW One time

@CrimeWatchZW haa ngavaite yavanoita isu taakungofokasa newedu hupenyu

WATCH | An unidentified individual recorded a video showing T-shirts printed with Vice President Chiwenga’s face and the words “Chiwenga must go.” In the video, he appears to be reporting back to the person who ordered the T-shirts, confirming that the job is done and requesting payment. There are claims that a faction within ZANU-PF is unhappy with Vice President Chiwenga and is pushing for his removal through a protest.

@Hermish19 @LynneStactia Grok what happened in this picture

@LynneStactia Nyaya yakapera kare

🔹A company was approached by Kandishaya, Mliswa, and their associates to print T-shirts for an anti-VP Chiwenga campaign. They can deny it all they like, but the evidence exists. Listen, Masimirembwa, Mliswa, Kandishaya, and the rest: MISWAI!! Ndati chii? MISWAI!!

@Funkyleroy @NewsHawksLive Dr Sibanda.then u call him dunderhead.please dont skip your medication

@NewsHawksLive Huddersfield does not mean you stop being an idiot. Where did Chamisa get this dunderhead from to advise him.In a country where Zanupf controls all of rural voting by violence and rigging you expect Mps to be independent.Use Common sense & reality.

🔴Zimbabwean academic Dr Nkululeko Sibanda, former opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa's spokesperson who studied Politics and International Relations at the University of Huddersfield in the United Kingdom, says it does not really matter whether a President is elected directly by voters or by the people’s representatives in parliament. Sibanda also says electing a President through parliament does not disenfranchise voters or take away the one man one vote right - universal adult suffrage - because that is just a different electoral system not qualified franchise. He says those arguing the one man one vote principle or the right to vote has been taken away have a "poor" argument that is not correct. The real problem with the current constitutional amendments, he says, is that they seek to resolve Zanu PF internal succession politics using national institutions and dragging the whole nation into the vortex of a volatile party power struggle. That is where is the problem is, but there is a silver lining in the dark cloud.

@BrandonDub17630 @nickmangwana What is currently being built

@sydora2017 @nickmangwana The question is whether we stay the course and build, or only focus on what’s incomplete.

His Excellency President Emmerson Mnangagwa is back home from Eswatini, where he joined other regional leaders in celebrating His Majesty King Mswati III's 40th Anniversary and 58th Birthday celebrations. The celebrations were held at Somhlolo Stadium in Eswatini. #engagement

@LindaDadisoM @matinyarare I think you are commenting as small minded person.it is small minds thats are dragging our country down by accepting low sta.for nowsit down.go and drink broncleeer and listen to mangoma

You would not understand Rutendo the plight of women and girls regarding access to water. Let alone the support they need in building resilient communities. The project is part of the broader Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives by Securities and Exchange Commission of Zimbabwe (SECzim) in partnership with Arctic Blue Asset Management Private Limited that will see all the country’s 10 provinces benefiting from this scheme. Hon. Mthuli was the guest of honour. He further challanged other capital markets players to take note of this initiative and consider how their organisations can make similar investments in building our nation. Iwe woshora chiitiko chakanaka kudai kune madzimai ne vana?

𝗔 𝗪𝗛𝗢𝗟𝗘 𝗙𝗜𝗡𝗔𝗡𝗖𝗘 𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗘𝗥 𝗧𝗥𝗔𝗩𝗘𝗟𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗧𝗢 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗔𝗕𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗟𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗧𝗢 𝗖𝗢𝗠𝗠𝗜𝗦𝗦𝗜𝗢𝗡 𝗔 𝗕𝗢𝗥𝗘𝗛𝗢𝗟𝗘? It’s a travesty that a whole Minister of Finance flew from Harare to Matabeleland with bodyguards, to commission a borehole and a garden, in a country where every Zimbabwean has a borehole at their home. How does a Finance Minister in a country that aspires to be a middle-income economy and the breadbasket of Africa, celebrate the commissioning of a mere borehole and garden on a continent where Libya under Gaddafi (30 years ago) built the world’s biggest irrigation system known as the Great Man Made River, to make Libya the biggest dessert farm in the world? How does Zimbabwe become an advanced middle-income economy when our Finance Minister spends his day commissioning boreholes instead of commissioning hundreds of kilometers of canals from Tokwe-Mukosi to turn the whole of South West Zimbabwe into fruit and sugarcane plantations?

@kasiryTawaz @TembaMliswa Amen.there are still honorable man out there.

@TembaMliswa Not everyone can be bought, and not everything is on sale.

This is as brazen an attack on the President as one can ever give and coming from his own Deputy its shocking. For one so close to the President to resort to this is diplomatically gross and strategically poor. The VP is now seriously endangering his standing by pandering to the whims of social media and the opposition by indulging in content creation. The subject matter which he poorly dresses in Biblical frocks instead of explicitly stating his opposition to CAB3, as any serious politician would do, shows his level of frustration. Politically the man has been outmanoeuvred and if he is sincere that he opposes what ZANU PF has come to represent then he should resign like any self-respecting leader. What he is contesting is a party decision and he can't continue within an entity whose thinking and direction he doesn't accept! Resigning, not metaphors, is the only redemptive path for him. He should resign and then canvass for the support of the opposition, which he is clearly pandering to, against his own party. CAB3 is not the product of any single individual but is a ZANU PF project, a party to which he belongs. He cannot reduce it to any single Hezekiah when he has been part of Cabinet that approved it. He failed to block the resolution from the Conference, Politburo, Central Committee, Cabinet, Public Hearings and we are now reaching the Parliament stage. For the ruling party he has become the main opposition, providing fodder for continued tension and instability through such veiled attacks. The biggest takeaway from all this is that he lacks the necessary political muscle and internal support for anything of significance. Thats a hard truth which the doomsday prophets should quickly recognise and stop putting pressure on him to become some action hero. Party members have accepted the party decisions and moved on. Only social media and the motley crowd of illusionists hanging in shadows amount to the "army" that are beckoning him into what will surely amount to self-immolation. Fuelled by this "virtual army" he has instigated multiple political infractions goading President Mnangagwa who has himself remained dignified and quiet. ED's patience and Long-Game tactics are clearly unsettling him. It's just that the political standards for the opposition, which has embraced him on social media, is very low such that they can't recognise the absurdity of the VP remaining part of the machinery which they deride and yet embrace him as a shining light. For the ruling party he is becoming a liability publicly questioning party resolutions and feeding the public mentality with treasonous thoughts.

@BrandonDub17630 @nickmangwana Whats on the ground besides potholes

@nickmangwana Zimbabwe is steadily aligning with the vision of 2030, and the progress on the ground is visible. We acknowledge the efforts of President E Mnangagwa in driving this agenda forward. As Zimbabweans, it’s time to sustain the leadership, support continuity, and allow growth .

@KMutisi @matinyarare Caught pants down jerking off you parasite.

@matinyarare What does that have to do with the parliamentary system though? Are you okay?

ONE MAN ONE VOTE was achieved in 1980… and it came in the form of a Parliamentary System… Returning the Parliamentary System is CORRECTING the mistake made when the Parliamentary System was removed. CAB 3 corrects that mistake!

@sunduzawekanyi @NewsHawksLive What structures

@NewsHawksLive He must put structures in place at his trust

Local academic and publisher Professor Ibbo Mandaza has expressed deep concern over police's remarkably sluggish approach and suspicions of state complicity in the October 28, 2025 firebombing of his Sapes Trust offices in Harare by suspected security agents. Mandaza says police officers privately confided in him that the perpetrators operate "beyond their authority" and hence have not been forthcoming with updates on the vandalism attack. Two weeks after the destruction og his offices, Mandaza condemned the "deafening silence" from state authorities, saying no arrests had been made and no official statement on the matter had been issued. Government reacted with silence, suggesting complicity on its part. Following the bombing, police and soldiers cordoned off the premises, initially denying Mandaza entry to his own property and disrupting the scheduled press conference on Constitutional Amendment Bill (N0.3). Mandaza has highlighted a pattern of failure, noting that police never produced a report for a similar arson attack on his restaurant two years prior, which prevented him from filing insurance claims. A vocal critic of the contentious constitutional amendments, he views the police investigation's failure as part of a broader culture of violence and intimidation, as well as impunity under President Emmerson Mnangagwa's rule.

@SMukuchu10216 @zimlive Where coz im sick of this AI

@sydora2017 @zimlive Come for lessons.

📸 A curiosity perched on a pedestal in Maphisa - the venue of the country’s 46th Independence celebrations - purportedly representing the late Vice President Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo has been mercifully removed after public outrage

@ckahari @daddyhope It will never mkoma

@daddyhope I still remember in the 90's when I was based at Rutenga, whole trains of refrigerated wagons full of beef carcasses en route to Durban via Beitbridge for export to the European markets. Those were the days and the hope is maybe, just maybe it might happen again.

Africa and its beef culture on full display, interesting choices to pick from at a restaurant. The second option is a Studex ribeye from Phala Phala, yes, that Phala Phala, known for its premium cattle and political associations. And it is priced at a staggering R3000, not just for the meat, but for the exclusivity, the story, and the status that comes with it. Giving that a wide berth. I could buy half a cow for R3000.🤣🤣🤣 This reminded me of the days I used to go to buy Zimbabwean beef at Smithfield Market in London, when our beef was recognised globally for its quality and consistency. My heart bleeds when I think of the missed opportunities our country has been subjected to due to bad governance. The scale of lost potential, especially in generating foreign currency through exports, is enormous, and it is a tragedy that a sector once so competitive was allowed to collapse.

@adv_kadzere @ProfJNMoyo I wonder what there is to gain from such witchcraft from this evil old man.and god dont take such people from his earth

@ProfJNMoyo You are an extremely cruel person! You derive pleasure from seeing the people of Zimbabwe suffering! We don’t owe you anything Jonso! Leave us alone you are ruining our lives with your stupid bill

Why the Phrase in Section 328(7) of the Constitution — “An Amendment to a TERM LIMIT PROVISION the Effect of which is to extend the length of time that a person may hold or occupy any public office does not apply in relation to any person who held or occupied that office, or an office, at any time before the amendment” — Does NOT Apply to the Amendment of Section 95(2)(b) in the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, 2026. With all respect for every thoughtful voice that has been expressed in this vital national conversation on the Bill, it has to be said that the Constitutional Court’s landmark reasoning in the precedent setting Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice (CCZ 7/21) case, especially in paragraphs 43 to 51, speaks with undiminished, decisive and binding authority directly to the heart of the current debate on the Bill’s amendment to section 95(2)(b). Distinguished colleagues and fellow citizens — including highly respected legal minds and public officials such as @DavidColtart (see, for example, his considered X-post here: [x.com/DavidColtart/s…]) — have rightly focused on the phrase in section 328(7): “the effect of which is to extend the length of time that a person may hold or occupy any public office.” Many view this phrase as an absolute barrier that can only be overcome by a national referendum. However, the undeniable fact is that the Constitutional Court has already given the precise, authoritative interpretive framework in its binding Mupungu judgment. That framework powerfully exposes the fundamental distinction at the core of this issue — the very same distinction it drew so clearly when analysing the relationship between section 186(2) and section 328(7), which distinguished “term limit provisions” from “age limit provisions”, and showed that the latter are not affected by section 328(7). When the same reasoning about sections 186(2) and 328(7) in paragraphs 43 to 51 of the Mupungu judgment is applied, mutatis mutandis, to the relationship between sections 95(2)(b) and 328(7), the path forward becomes unmistakably clear and inescapable. Section 328(7) is written in plain, unambiguous language whose objective is crystal clear. It prevents an amendment to a term-limit provision — one whose effect would extend the time a person may hold public office — from applying to anyone who held that office (or an equivalent) before the amendment. As defined in section 328(1), a “term-limit provision” is one that “limits the length of time that a person may hold or occupy a public office.” A careful, respectful reading of section 95(2)(b), guided by the Court’s wisdom in paragraphs 43 to 51 of Mupungu, reveals a decisive structural difference. Section 95(2)(b) does not impose a standalone, fixed, purely personal calendar-based cap. Instead, it expressly declares that the President’s term “is five years [now proposed in the Bill as seven years] and coterminous with the life of Parliament” — currently five years under section 143(1) and proposed to become seven years. Section 95(b)(b) is inextricably linked to the outcome of a general election. This is a deliberate institutional and democratic mechanism that synchronises executive and legislative electoral cycles — not an independent, non-renewable personal term detached from the people’s democratic will. In their plain and grammatical sense, sections 95(2)(b) and 143(1) draw a sharp, unmistakable line between tenure defined by a specific, fixed and determinate length of time (with a known beginning and a calculable end) and tenure shaped by variable electoral and parliamentary events. The true purpose of section 95(2)(b), as the Constitutional Court would clearly perceive it through the lens of paragraphs 43 to 51 in Mupungu, is to regulate the timing of national elections themselves — not to create or protect the kind of personal term limit on individual tenure that section 328 was designed to safeguard. The decisive question is therefore this: What is the meaning of a “term-limit provision” in the context of section 328(7) that should be used to examine the Bill’s amendment to section 95(2)(b)? The definition in section 328(1) points unmistakably to the limitation of a specific “length of time” — not a duration determined by external democratic milestones such as electoral cycles and the timing of general elections. It therefore follows — firmly and correctly — that a constitutional provision whose length is expressly made coterminous with the life of Parliament does not and cannot establish the rigid, person-specific term contemplated by section 328. The Bill’s amendment to section 95(2)(b) simply does not engage a “term-limit provision”, within the meaning and context of subsections (1) and (7) of section 328 at all. Lengthening the electoral cycle from five to seven years consequently does not extend any protected term-limit provision. With the greatest respect, opponents of Clause 4 in the Bill have—like the court a quo in Mupungu which failed to distinguish “term limit provisions” and “age limit provisions”—not fully distinguished the electoral-cycle framework in section 95(2)(b) from genuine personal term limits under subsections (1) and (7) of section 328. Some have, perhaps unintentionally, applied an overly broad interpretation by concentrating almost exclusively on the “effect” language in section 328(7), while bypassing the essential threshold question: whether section 95(2)(b) even qualifies as a term-limit provision in the first place. This risks misunderstanding the carefully drawn concept of “term-limit provisions” as they relate to presidential tenure. The amendment in the new section 95(2)(b) proposed by the Bill does one thing only: it adjusts the length of the democratic electoral cycle that will apply equally and fairly to every future presidential office-holder. It does not amend or extend any non-renewable or fixed personal term limit for any individual. As the Constitutional Court powerfully reinforced in paragraphs 43 to 51 of Mupungu by reference to dictionary definitions, a “term” means “a fixed or limited period for which something, for example, office, lasts or is intended to last” — a period with a known beginning and a determinable end. A provision tied to the life of Parliament and the outcome of general elections simply cannot, and does not, denote any such fixed personal term. To illustrate this with insurmountable clarity: within one and the same five-year electoral cycle, one President may serve three years while another serves only two—depending on when each assumes office—without resetting the clock to start a new fresh five-year term. This inherent variability decisively negates the very idea that section 95(2)(b) prescribes the specific, determinate term limit that section 328(7) protects. Any other interpretation would do violence to the ordinary and grammatical meaning of the phrase “term-limit provision.” By powerful and irrefutable contrast, the Constitution contains an exhaustive list of 15 genuine term-limit provisions, as clearly set out by the Attorney General, Honourable Virginia Mabiza (see her authoritative post here: [x.com/AGZim_Official…]). These include fixed five-year terms (renewable once only) for heads of the Defence Forces, Police, Intelligence and Prisons Services; six-year terms (renewable once) for members of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the Prosecutor-General; and the Auditor-General’s maximum twelve-year tenure. Amendments extending incumbents’ time in these roles would unquestionably fall within the protective shield of section 328(7). The Bill’s amendment to section 95(2)(b), however, rests on an entirely different and far more fundamental constitutional footing. It is a reform of the democratic electoral cycle itself. The Constitutional Court’s meticulous and binding distinction in paragraphs 43 to 51 of the Mupungu judgment between what truly constitutes a term-limit provision and what does not; therefore, applies here with compelling, conclusive and binding force. The narrow focus on the “effect of which” phrase in section 328(7), without first confirming that section 95(2)(b) is a term-limit provision at all, mirrors — with respect— the very conflation of term limits with other types of limits (such as age limits) that the Constitutional Court decisively rejected in 2021 in the Mupungu case. In light of all the above, section 328(7) does not, and cannot, apply to the amendment of section 95(2)(b). The Bill’s proposal to adjust the presidential electoral cycle stands constitutionally unencumbered by any incumbent-protection rule. The way forward for this Bill is not merely lawful — it is constitutionally clear, sound, and fully consistent with the Mupungu precedent. This analysis is respectfully offered here in the sincere hope that it brings greater clarity, understanding, and unity in the interest of the shared commitment to constitutional fidelity and the recognition of and respect for the democratic will of the people of Zimbabwe as expressed in the Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013), taking into account the authority of binding case law!

@SMukuchu10216 @zimlive How do you guys see its AI.any pointers

@zimlive Imi hu journalist hwenyu handihuone. Saka murikutotadza kuona kuti second pic its AI

@elonmusk A lying billionaire

Each cross is a murdered family

@crankyoldbugr @elonmusk Its alll lies they talking bullshit.the whites are still enjoying the same privileges they enjoyed during colonial times

@elonmusk I was recently on an 8 hour flight from Japan to somewhere, the girl beside me was a physicist from SA. The situation and stories she described were horrific. I honestly don’t know how white people survive there.

@FaraiMazhindu How about your grandfathers next door mate

The demand for Elon Musk to surrender 30% of his business to operate in South Africa is absurd. Bringing infrastructure, creating high-skill jobs, and expanding the national tax base should be more than enough contribution from any global entity. The South African government claims this is about compliance, but in reality, it's a system of state sanctioned theft. While other corporations have quietly paid for political patronage to bypass these rules, Musk is calling out the corruption. This 30% norm hasn't empowered the people, it has simply enriched a circle of political elites. Most businesses take the easy way out and pay the bribe, but Musk has the integrity to stand his ground and expose the rot.

@caesarzvayi @PatriceMotsepex Dont you have to be wise and intelligent to be a billionaire. The ability to identify opportunities that makes you a billionaire surely cant be from a foolish person.

@sydora2017 @PatriceMotsepex so you think money equates to intelligence or wisdom? Some just get opportunities others are denied! Motsepe is a MONUMENTAL, CERTIFIED fool!

This @PatriceMotsepex is a certified idiot! So what has Morocco's eagerness to host tournaments got to do with the 90mins on the pitch? Isilima lesi siyacasula! Isiphukuphuku!