Xavier FM

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Xavier FM

Xavier FM

@xavierfm3

Student of Law and Philosophy | McGill and University of Toronto alumnus | Canadien français | Si Deus pro nobis quis contra nos? | @RunnymedeSoc alumnus | Papa

Montréal, Québec Katılım Temmuz 2016
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
my daughter: again, again, again, and again, again, again, and again, and again, again, again, again, … and she is, in all respects, correct
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@finseraste C’est trop tard. La « démocratie » ici a toujours servi de rempart contre l’auto détermination des Canadiens français.
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@finseraste I was actually looking forward attending an event at La Voûte because I like going out but that was quite a lame show thrown in a lame atmosphere.
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Peter Copeland
Peter Copeland@CopelanPeter·
A major constitutional showdown is now before the Supreme Court of Canada, and at its core is a simple question of who decides. Constitutional interpretation is not a straightforward exercise. Rights are stated at a high level of generality, as they must be, and don’t contain detailed instructions for their application. They must be interpreted and operationalized in the real world, and balanced in relation to other rights and other public policy objectives. Courts are not uniquely equipped to perform this task, nor were they ever meant to monopolize it. In our parliamentary democracy, legislatures have an essential role to play in that process, and that is what section 33 is for - a necessary condition of patriation and part of the constitutional design where coordinate interpretation can occur in a back and forth between courts and legislatures. The federal government has intervened in these cases to argue contrary to the clear textual basis of the Constitution that repeated invocation of the clause “irreparably impairs” a rights. Though the clause clearly prohibits the policing of its use beyond correctness of application, they argue courts should in fact be able to assess whether legislatures have used it too much. Ottawa has also argued that courts should be able to issue declarations that laws are unconstitutional even where section 33 prevents them from being struck down. A constitutional press release, if you will. Formally toothless, but plainly political in purpose and effect. And given the Court’s decision in Power, which contemplates retroactive damages for laws later found to be unconstitutional, this sort of declaratory power could become a backdoor route to financial liability as well. Given all the innovations the courts have been prone to, one would not put this past them.
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Kerry Sun
Kerry Sun@SunKerry·
Podcast discussion for Macdonald-Laurier Institute's Judicial Foundations Project between @CopelanPeter and @yuanyi_z, @xavierfm3, and @FCote_Avocat on the notwithstanding clause case (English Montreal School Board / Hak) pending at the Supreme Court of Canada. Link in thread:
Peter Copeland@CopelanPeter

A major constitutional showdown is now before the Supreme Court of Canada, and at its core is a simple question of who decides. Constitutional interpretation is not a straightforward exercise. Rights are stated at a high level of generality, as they must be, and don’t contain detailed instructions for their application. They must be interpreted and operationalized in the real world, and balanced in relation to other rights and other public policy objectives. Courts are not uniquely equipped to perform this task, nor were they ever meant to monopolize it. In our parliamentary democracy, legislatures have an essential role to play in that process, and that is what section 33 is for - a necessary condition of patriation and part of the constitutional design where coordinate interpretation can occur in a back and forth between courts and legislatures. The federal government has intervened in these cases to argue contrary to the clear textual basis of the Constitution that repeated invocation of the clause “irreparably impairs” a rights. Though the clause clearly prohibits the policing of its use beyond correctness of application, they argue courts should in fact be able to assess whether legislatures have used it too much. Ottawa has also argued that courts should be able to issue declarations that laws are unconstitutional even where section 33 prevents them from being struck down. A constitutional press release, if you will. Formally toothless, but plainly political in purpose and effect. And given the Court’s decision in Power, which contemplates retroactive damages for laws later found to be unconstitutional, this sort of declaratory power could become a backdoor route to financial liability as well. Given all the innovations the courts have been prone to, one would not put this past them.

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Fr. Ambrose
Fr. Ambrose@HoneyTongueMuse·
It is wrong to threaten to do something which is intrinsically immoral, even if the threatened evil action never happens.
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Maxime St-Hilaire
Maxime St-Hilaire@MaxSaintH·
Updated on SSRN: Our response to every argument advanced in support of the admittedly audacious and creative thesis that courts can declare “incompatibility” with Charter rights notwithstanding the valid use of the notwithstanding clause. papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@TristinHopper @finseraste You will maybe in time do this very thing except the CEO will not be speaking French. But only time will tell.
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Tristin Hopper
Tristin Hopper@TristinHopper·
@finseraste Funny, I don't ever recall demanding that a CEO (at a moment of organizational crisis) drop everything to prostrate himself before a Parliamentary committee because a Quebecer was speaking French.
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@Guil_Rousseau Opportunité manquée ici : je crois que la question de Kasirer est en fait s’il faut compléter Ford est expliquant clairement qu’un jugement déclaratoire n’est pas permis lorsque a33 est utilisé. Il faut faire le pont entre Ford et Hak, et rappeler qu’il n’y a rien à déclarer.
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Guillaume Rousseau
Guillaume Rousseau@Guil_Rousseau·
Conclusion de ma plaidoirie en Cour suprême sur la clause de souveraineté parlementaire et échange avec le juge Kasirer sur l'idée que la cour puisse (ou pas) rendre un jugement déclaratoire (donc sans effet) quand cette disposition est utilisée. facebook.com/share/v/17x4jr… #polqc
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@JCJasmin3 Notre représentant @BonnafousJulien s’attaque à la religion et la Bible dès que possible. Je crois qu’il en fait sa fierté. Le Bloc n’a aucune perspective historique sur la nature fondamentale du peuple québécois et agit constamment pour maintenir le PLC au pouvoir.
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@Guil_Rousseau Bravo ! Je soupçonne qu’il manque encore de clarifier ce que dit et ne dit pas Ford, notamment sur la question des déclarations judiciaires lorsque a33 est invoqué, ainsi que l’application au cas d’espèce. Nerf de la guerre pour Kasirer, et peut être d’autres juges aussi.
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Guillaume Rousseau
Guillaume Rousseau@Guil_Rousseau·
À part pour mon rabat de toge un peu croche au début (lol ! ) tout a bien été pour ma plaidoirie en Cour suprême en défense de la laïcité et de la souveraineté parlementaire du Québec ! Merci au Mouvement Laïque Québécois pour sa confiance. facebook.com/share/v/1AfRvY… #polqc #assnat
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Jamie Sarkonak
Jamie Sarkonak@sarkonakj·
This is very paper tiger. Provincial conservatives already struggle to find like-minded lawyers to fill judicial vacancies. More input on federal judges won't fix that. What these premiers really need is a bigger stake in legal education. Without that, the rest is pointless.
Barbara Patrocinio@BarbaraPatroci

Premiers Doug Ford, François Legault, Scott Moe and Danielle Smith have sent a joint letter to PM Mark Carney calling for provinces to have a formal, meaningful role in appointing judges to Canada’s top courts. #onpoli #cdnpoli

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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
4 days of trial for libs to achieve their judicial coup. Will they succeed? We’re monitoring.
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Xavier FM
Xavier FM@xavierfm3·
@JCJasmin3 Exemption nécessaire car tout et n’importe quoi est “haineux”.
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JC Jasmin
JC Jasmin@JCJasmin3·
On ne pourra pas me reprocher d'esquiver les enjeux controversés. Dans ce texte, j'argumente en faveur du maintien de l'exemption religieuse dans les dispositions relatives aux discours haineux dans le code criminel. J'aimerais bien entendre ce que vous en pensez. lapresse.ca/dialogue/opini…
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