Sep Barzegar

Foreign states, because of bureaucratic and institutional decision making, are generally less vulnerable than publics to this kind of performative politics, but not immune. What changes with administrations is the degree of skepticism toward narrative claims and the preference for verifiable indicators over rhetoric. Domestically, Iranian nationalist/monarchist currents label these actors fake opposition, intuitively tracking the incentive structure behind the performance. Large body of the public, however, remain susceptible to propaganda and mass engineering tactics, precisely because political participation has been thinned to episodic emotional surges rather than sustained civic competence. The aggregate judgment of the Iranian nation may be improving, but escalation compresses time and time tends to favor organized minorities over unorganized majorities. If the objective is to shift the balance, the lever is not more educational channels, but the institution building. Durable and independent structures that can hold power across domains the regime and its adjacent factions currently dominate. Either media, finance, welfare provision, professional associations, and credible mechanisms of coordination and accountability. Strategy becomes grounded when it is backed by institutions, not when it is staged as spectacle.

شاهزاده رضا پهلوی در پیامی خطاب به «گارد جاویدان» از آن‌ها خواست به‌عنوان «نیروی پیشگام ملت» دستگاه سرکوب جمهوری اسلامی را تضعیف کنند تا فروپاشی نهایی حکومت فراهم شود. او تاکید کرد این فراخوان برای تظاهرات خیابانی نیست، بلکه دعوت به وارد آوردن «ضربه‌های هوشمندانه» به نیروهای سرکوب است.

منم که در دل طوفان به نوح می‌نازم شبیه نوح به اولاد دل نمی‌بازم بگو چگونه دهم سر، پسر که چیزی نیست به راه دوست پسر تمام جهان پشیزی نیست این شعری بود که آهنگران در اعلام برائت از همین پسر سرود و خوند. از چنین پسری توقع وطن پرستی نداشته باشید...

Irish band Kneecap consume electricity to perform concert for Code Pink and liberal activists in Cuba- while Cubans face constant electricity blackouts.