Ning Leng

297 posts

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Ning Leng

Ning Leng

@leng_ning

Asst Prof @Georgetown @McCourtSchool #WilsonChinaFellows | China, political economy, authoritarianism, China in LatAm | Author of Politicizing Business

Washington, DC เข้าร่วม Ağustos 2018
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Ning Leng
Ning Leng@leng_ning·
My new book, *Politicizing Business*, releases today @CambridgeUP! Central theme: in China’s political economy, the Party-state systematically enlists businesses to serve its political needs and those of its officials. The politicization of business is rooted in authoritarianism and often follows sectoral patterns. A🧵 amazon.com/Politicizing-B…
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Carl Worker
Carl Worker@carlworker·
A fan.
Ning Leng@leng_ning

Totally agree with this great analysis by @michaelxpettis. I would add that the design of China’s post-2008 stimulus plan accelerated and intensified the broader problem of wasteful investment. It added powerful economic incentives to existing political incentives, encouraging local officials to build and invest in projects that often lacked economic sustainability. Visibility projects were one important subset of this broader pattern. And I completely agree that the advancement of China’s SOEs and the gradual retreat of the private sector should not be understood as an ideological turn, but a structural outcome of China’s political economy model.

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Michael Pettis
Michael Pettis@michaelxpettis·
Ning Leng makes an important point here: "Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects." In a 2012 Carnegie piece I warned that China was finding it increasingly difficult to identify enough productive investment projects (i.e. in which the value of the goods produced exceeded the value of the resources needed to produce them) to achieve the excessively high GDP growth rates Beijing was setting for the economy. If this continued, I argued, we would inevitably see a surge in the country's debt burden and a shift in the share of total Chinese production from private-sector producers to state and quasi-state producers. The reason was because the private sector mostly operates under hard budget constraints while the state and quasi-state sectors mostly doesn't. This means that private businesses in manufacturing sectors that have growing excess capacity (and over time more and more sectors will suffer from this problem) will find it increasingly difficult to get banks to fund growing losses and rising inventories, and so eventually they would have to cut production. Because high GDP growth targets required increasing production, rather than cutting it, and because state and quasi-state entities had much softer budget constraints, I argued that this would inevitably shift total production away from hard-budget constrained entities to soft-budget constrained entities, i.e. from the private sector to the state and quasi-state sectors. What many analysts saw as the result of a change in ideological preferences, in other words, is in fact the necessary outcome of the growth model, and this will continue either until Beijing allows GDP growth rates to drop sharply or until the system runs out of debt capacity. The point is that the regulators can insist all they want that businesses be more disciplined and that manufacturers and local governments behave more rationally, but it is precisely the hard-budget constraint that imposes discipline on investment. By insisting on excessively high GDP growth targets and all but eliminating hard budget constraints, there is simply no way to eliminate involution.
Ning Leng@leng_ning

Another unexpected outcome of visibility projects is their effect on the private sector. To avoid blame or simply because they lack funds, government officials often ask firms—private and state-owned—to "sponsor" these projects in China. But when the visibility projects become too costly, or when too many pile up in one sector or locality, private firms often exit, voluntarily or not. Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects. I don’t discuss this mechanism in the FA piece, but I develop it in my book and articles.

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Ning Leng
Ning Leng@leng_ning·
Totally agree with this great analysis by @michaelxpettis. I would add that the design of China’s post-2008 stimulus plan accelerated and intensified the broader problem of wasteful investment. It added powerful economic incentives to existing political incentives, encouraging local officials to build and invest in projects that often lacked economic sustainability. Visibility projects were one important subset of this broader pattern. And I completely agree that the advancement of China’s SOEs and the gradual retreat of the private sector should not be understood as an ideological turn, but a structural outcome of China’s political economy model.
Michael Pettis@michaelxpettis

Ning Leng makes an important point here: "Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects." In a 2012 Carnegie piece I warned that China was finding it increasingly difficult to identify enough productive investment projects (i.e. in which the value of the goods produced exceeded the value of the resources needed to produce them) to achieve the excessively high GDP growth rates Beijing was setting for the economy. If this continued, I argued, we would inevitably see a surge in the country's debt burden and a shift in the share of total Chinese production from private-sector producers to state and quasi-state producers. The reason was because the private sector mostly operates under hard budget constraints while the state and quasi-state sectors mostly doesn't. This means that private businesses in manufacturing sectors that have growing excess capacity (and over time more and more sectors will suffer from this problem) will find it increasingly difficult to get banks to fund growing losses and rising inventories, and so eventually they would have to cut production. Because high GDP growth targets required increasing production, rather than cutting it, and because state and quasi-state entities had much softer budget constraints, I argued that this would inevitably shift total production away from hard-budget constrained entities to soft-budget constrained entities, i.e. from the private sector to the state and quasi-state sectors. What many analysts saw as the result of a change in ideological preferences, in other words, is in fact the necessary outcome of the growth model, and this will continue either until Beijing allows GDP growth rates to drop sharply or until the system runs out of debt capacity. The point is that the regulators can insist all they want that businesses be more disciplined and that manufacturers and local governments behave more rationally, but it is precisely the hard-budget constraint that imposes discipline on investment. By insisting on excessively high GDP growth targets and all but eliminating hard budget constraints, there is simply no way to eliminate involution.

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Ning Leng
Ning Leng@leng_ning·
Another unexpected outcome of visibility projects is their effect on the private sector. To avoid blame or simply because they lack funds, government officials often ask firms—private and state-owned—to "sponsor" these projects in China. But when the visibility projects become too costly, or when too many pile up in one sector or locality, private firms often exit, voluntarily or not. Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects. I don’t discuss this mechanism in the FA piece, but I develop it in my book and articles.
Foreign Affairs@ForeignAffairs

“Visibility projects reflect an uncomfortable reality for Chinese leaders: the Chinese state appears more capable than it actually is,” argues @leng_ning. foreignaffairs.com/china/chinas-e…

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Yaqiu Wang 王亚秋
Great piece by @leng_ning, refuting the commonly held belief that authoritarian states are better at long-term planning. In fact, without democratic accountability, local officials keep building wasteful projects that serve no long-term purpose because they help with their KPI.
Yaqiu Wang 王亚秋 tweet media
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Ning Leng
Ning Leng@leng_ning·
My new piece in @ForeignAffairs explains why it is so difficult for the Chinese government to stop misallocation of resources and wasteful spending, how waste in China differs from waste in democracies, and what it means for China’s development.
Foreign Affairs@ForeignAffairs

“Visibility projects reflect an uncomfortable reality for Chinese leaders: the Chinese state appears more capable than it actually is,” argues @leng_ning. foreignaffairs.com/china/chinas-e…

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Ning Leng รีทวีตแล้ว
H. Huang
H. Huang@haifeng_huang·
Does promoting democracy in a rising authoritarian power work? In a new paper in PoP, I test it using the US Embassy in China's pro-democracy posts on Chinese social media. Results from two survey experiments in 2018 and 2021 are sobering and counter-intuitive
Perspectives on Politics@PoPpublicsphere

NOW OUT ON FIRSTVIEW!! The Sound of Silence: #Championing #Democracy in an #Authoritarian #Society By @haifeng_huang doi.org/10.1017/S15375…

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Ning Leng รีทวีตแล้ว
JF Books 季風書園 | 季风书店
#季風人文講壇 #黃亞生 #國家主義 很多人習慣把中國過去幾十年的增長,簡單歸因於「威權效率」或「國家資本主義」。但在與喬治城大學冷寧 @leng_ning 的對談中,黃亞生 @YashengHuang 提出了一個值得繼續爭論的問題:中國真正高速增長的時期,究竟是因為「國家更強」,還是因為市場、地方社會與民間活力曾經擁有過更大的空間? 從《Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics》到新書《Statism with Chinese Characteristics》,標題中的變化已經說明了他的判斷:今天的中國,正在從一種有限開放、有限市場化的狀態,重新走向國家權力全面深入經濟與社會的「國家主義」。 講座中,一個很值得玩味的觀點是:改革開放時代真正重要的,也許從來不是「計劃能力」,而是某種被允許存在的民間自主性——地方競爭、私人創業、全球化連結,以及企業在政治之外仍保有的一部分空間。 而今天,當「安全」「穩定」「意識形態」重新壓過增長邏輯之後,中國經濟會走向哪裡?國家與市場之間是否還存在邊界?過去四十年的成功經驗,到底還能不能被複製? 《Statism with Chinese Characteristics》一書目前已在 JF Books 上架;本場講座視頻也可在店內觀看與交流。歡迎來書店繼續聊聊。
JF Books 季風書園 | 季风书店 tweet mediaJF Books 季風書園 | 季风书店 tweet mediaJF Books 季風書園 | 季风书店 tweet media
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