
Ning Leng
297 posts

Ning Leng
@leng_ning
Asst Prof @Georgetown @McCourtSchool #WilsonChinaFellows | China, political economy, authoritarianism, China in LatAm | Author of Politicizing Business


Totally agree with this great analysis by @michaelxpettis. I would add that the design of China’s post-2008 stimulus plan accelerated and intensified the broader problem of wasteful investment. It added powerful economic incentives to existing political incentives, encouraging local officials to build and invest in projects that often lacked economic sustainability. Visibility projects were one important subset of this broader pattern. And I completely agree that the advancement of China’s SOEs and the gradual retreat of the private sector should not be understood as an ideological turn, but a structural outcome of China’s political economy model.



Another unexpected outcome of visibility projects is their effect on the private sector. To avoid blame or simply because they lack funds, government officials often ask firms—private and state-owned—to "sponsor" these projects in China. But when the visibility projects become too costly, or when too many pile up in one sector or locality, private firms often exit, voluntarily or not. Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects. I don’t discuss this mechanism in the FA piece, but I develop it in my book and articles.

Ning Leng makes an important point here: "Over time, state-owned enterprises expand in these spaces because their soft-budget constraints make them better able to absorb the costs of visibility projects." In a 2012 Carnegie piece I warned that China was finding it increasingly difficult to identify enough productive investment projects (i.e. in which the value of the goods produced exceeded the value of the resources needed to produce them) to achieve the excessively high GDP growth rates Beijing was setting for the economy. If this continued, I argued, we would inevitably see a surge in the country's debt burden and a shift in the share of total Chinese production from private-sector producers to state and quasi-state producers. The reason was because the private sector mostly operates under hard budget constraints while the state and quasi-state sectors mostly doesn't. This means that private businesses in manufacturing sectors that have growing excess capacity (and over time more and more sectors will suffer from this problem) will find it increasingly difficult to get banks to fund growing losses and rising inventories, and so eventually they would have to cut production. Because high GDP growth targets required increasing production, rather than cutting it, and because state and quasi-state entities had much softer budget constraints, I argued that this would inevitably shift total production away from hard-budget constrained entities to soft-budget constrained entities, i.e. from the private sector to the state and quasi-state sectors. What many analysts saw as the result of a change in ideological preferences, in other words, is in fact the necessary outcome of the growth model, and this will continue either until Beijing allows GDP growth rates to drop sharply or until the system runs out of debt capacity. The point is that the regulators can insist all they want that businesses be more disciplined and that manufacturers and local governments behave more rationally, but it is precisely the hard-budget constraint that imposes discipline on investment. By insisting on excessively high GDP growth targets and all but eliminating hard budget constraints, there is simply no way to eliminate involution.

“Visibility projects reflect an uncomfortable reality for Chinese leaders: the Chinese state appears more capable than it actually is,” argues @leng_ning. foreignaffairs.com/china/chinas-e…




“Visibility projects reflect an uncomfortable reality for Chinese leaders: the Chinese state appears more capable than it actually is,” argues @leng_ning. foreignaffairs.com/china/chinas-e…



NOW OUT ON FIRSTVIEW!! The Sound of Silence: #Championing #Democracy in an #Authoritarian #Society By @haifeng_huang doi.org/10.1017/S15375…

Very much looking forward to it!

Terrific talk by @leng_ning at Oxford Blavatnik School yesterday. So much thought provoking content. So many great case studies.

📚 Blavatnik Book Talk: Politicizing Business 📆 27 May, 5:30pm Join author @leng_ning in conversation with Prof @YelingTan to discuss her new book exploring the relationship between the Chinese government and Chinese firms. Register ⬇️ ow.ly/wz7p50Yz5Pe





We are thrilled to announce the selection of our fourth fellowship cohort, sixteen truly outstanding next generation China scholars and analysts you can read more about here: global.upenn.edu/future-of-us-c… Check out the full announcement at: global.upenn.edu/future-of-us-c…

What happens when Chinese companies—trained to serve the party-state—enter Latin American democracies? New episode of Café & Seda, hosted by Monika Prusinowska, with Ning Leng (@leng_ning ). 🔗bit.ly/3OCJ2Ky

「政績工程和社會控制這兩種服務能告訴我們,中國政府的『手』伸的有多麼廣和多麼深。」 從2015年至2019年,政治經濟學者冷寧輾轉中國15個城市,對公共服務領域的政府官員和企業管理者進行了200多次深度訪談,並於2025年發布著作《Politicizing Business:How Firms Are Made to Serve the Party-State in China》,揭示了中國企業如何參與國家與政府事務,並提供政治服務。有的企業通過參與「看的見、記的住」的 #政績工程 來支持官員的職業發展。有的企業參與 #社會控制 ,幫助政府應對群眾抗議,甚至在某些時候成為「替罪羊」。 👉點擊連結,閱讀全文,從對談裡了解中國經濟的現狀和未來:buff.ly/kH1Y33A

