Anna Reuß

Delighted to be in Brussels with a delegation of civil society members for exchanges on the EU's policy and action in the Sahel and West Africa.

"L’approche renouvelée de l’#UE au #Sahel : mettre en œuvre un pragmatisme fondé sur des principes." Réflexions du Sahel et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, écrit par @HannahRaeArms. En français : collections.fes.de/publikationen/…

Big and small ideas to put into practice the #EU’s ambition of principled pragmatism under its “renewed approach” to the #Sahel. From #civilsociety and #policy experts across the Sahel and West Africa, captured by @HannahRaeArms collections.fes.de/publikationen/…

More analysis & #policy ideas on #Peace Support Operations on the continent in our edited volume "Forces for Peace" collections.fes.de/publikationen/… & the policy brief "The future of peace support operations in Africa", offering recommendations to #AU, #UN & #EU collections.fes.de/publikationen/…

Svenja Bode on the new wave of violence in #Mali, Russia’s role and the limits of international influence. ips-journal.eu/interviews/the…

"Recruter 50 000 ex-appelés ayant – par le passé – fait leur service militaire et 50 000 autres novices qu'il faudra former à l'art de la guerre n'augure rien de bon selon HRW."

@kalamashaka I would use non-state armed groups as a neutral term.

@reussae What's the appropriate term? "Insurgents?"

That has been my stance (minus reference to "natsec" ideology) but it's been met with much resistance from (excellent) analysts from the region I have been interacting with. Often it's "bcs you come from the East African context where it is different".

Dans tout ce qui se passe depuis ce samedi au Mali, au-delà du tumulte, du bruit et des commentaires intempestifs, mes pensées vont aux Malien.ne.s qui endurent cette crise depuis des années. Ce sont eux qui doivent être au centre de tout.

Fantastic idea.

Einschätzung der FES-Büroleiterin vor Ort in Bamako ipg-journal.de/interviews/art…

@aalesimaria You move in with friends, a communal living arrangement, and pool resources to afford professional care.

Who will look after you when you are old? I am not looking after my father whose forehead I carry 😂. Imagine me thinking my child will look after me in my old age🙂‍↔️.

Young West Africans – this is your moment! ISS Dakar is looking for four brilliant fellows for a career-shaping journey in #policy, #peace and #humansecurity. Network with decision-makers, publish research and grow your career: issafrica.org/about-us/caree…

When a Kaunda suit cannot make a Panafricanist...

Want to launch a career in #peace and #policy? Join the ISS Junior Fellowship – a 10-month deep dive into #gender, #humansecurity and #geopolitics, based in Dakar. Get mentored, published and noticed. Apply now: issafrica.org/about-us/caree…

Uganda’s proposed Sovereignty Bill is the ONLY law in the world openly attempting something this sweeping: it legally turns its own citizens abroad into “foreigners”. The Bill is explicit. A “foreigner” includes “Ugandan citizens residing abroad”. That single clause redraws the boundary of citizenship. It means diaspora money, relationships, and even family support can fall under foreign control rules. So the implications are not abstract. -A mother in Mbale receiving school fees from her son in London. -A boda boda rider in Gulu financed by a brother in Dubai. -A small shop in Mbarara stocked using capital sent from Boston. All could, in theory, fall under foreign influence rules. Then the net widens. The definition of an “agent of a foreigner” includes anyone “directly or indirectly… financed or subsidised” by a foreigner. Not directed. Not controlled. Simply funded. -A journalist paid by a locally registered outlet that receives donor support. -A researcher on a project with partial foreign grants. -An NGO worker whose salary traces back, however distantly, to external funding. All can be classified as “agents”. Clause 22 then imposes a hard ceiling: “a cap on foreign funding of approximately UGX 400 million within any twelve-month period”, beyond which ministerial approval is required. So: -A private hospital built with diaspora investment. -A school supported by an international foundation. -A construction firm using a foreign loan. Then comes the sharpest edge. -Clause 13 creates the offence of economic sabotage, criminalising anyone who “publishes information… that weakens or damages the economic system”. So: -A newspaper reporting a currency slide. -An analyst warning about debt stress. -A civil society group highlighting inflation pressures. Even if accurate, such reporting could fall foul of the law. Finally, Clause 5 prohibits activities that promote foreign interests “against the interests of Uganda”, a phrase the law does not define. Put together, these clauses do something unprecedented. -They do not just regulate foreign influence. -They redefine who is foreign. -They extend control from politics into everyday economic and social life. In most countries, including Ethiopia and Ethiopia, sovereignty laws manage outsiders. Here, Uganda redefined outsiders to include its citizens, basically rewriting the 1995 constitution. Of course it’s in the preparatory and consultation stage and could change for better - or WORSE!

Charles Onyango Obbo @cobbo3 kindly wrote about the Nasser Road publication - "Nasser Road may be Uganda's most honest street because it admits that life here is often a performance staged for survival" @YusufSerunkuma @Katumbabadru1

Chastised by its former colonies, in search for new friends.

Twitter vs analogue politics