Mavuto Fraction

If anyone does "hatchet jobs," it is you. You are very slimy & slippery. I have got agency & am my own person. I have previously proven you wrong when you wrongly intervened on Hopewell's behalf by showing my own independent capacity to generate my own sources for what I write. Can you kindly tell Zimbabweans where you were working in the lead up to the August 2023 elections? Have you ever taken responsibility for your actions in 2013 when you launched that infamous staged court case on the regime's behalf which collapsed the GNU? Do you think Zimbabweans have forgotten that treachery & the direct link between it & the entrenchment of tyranny which we still have today? Do you not realise that had Zimbabwe been given the opportunity to institute reforms at that time, we would have potentially avoided a coup a mere 4 years from that and, by extension, the current crisis? Why would it be more dangerous for me to post a reference to a potential position for Biti in a post ED regime which you and Biti have both been quoted in the Telegraph as suggesting is potentially on the way if, as you both suggest, will follow from the likely implosion that will take place? If there is danger from that post so there surely would be for Chamisa as well, whom you vilify daily & falsely & wrongly attribute for things I write despite the fact that I have always made it clear in instances where he is my source. For me it's very clear. Biti is a high profile Zimbabwean politician. I see absolutely nothing wrong with him potentially exploring alliances on the political landscape if that is what has transpired. I consider disclosures pertaining to that to be in the public / national interest because it potentially illuminates Biti & CDF's strategic goals / end game. Your post is clearly false, misleading & defamatory. I repeat that I have got a solid & verifiable source for my post, so solid that I am in a position to present that evidence in a court of law if it ever came to that. I further repeat that - that source is not Chamisa. The problem is that you are so obsessed with Chamisa that in your world, it is inconceivable that I could have a separate & independent life & network away from him. You mistake conspiracy theories for fact & are prolific for spreading them like a veld fire. Why do you fear intellectual discourse free from gratuitous personal attacks? What is it that unnerves you? Why do you find it easy to malign the reputations of others unprovoked through unleashing malicious & mendacious attacks? Do you derive some perverse sense of satisfaction from it? The last time I publicly proved you wrong did you ever apologise & withdraw / retract your defamatory post? Only the politically undiscerning would trust you. You regularly run smear ops, complete with edited audios of kompromat as part of a shadowy "cartel" of disinformation. Everything about you screams false, attention seeking & performative antics - even the fake love for Tendai Biti & fronting being anti-CAB3. I repeat, howling vociferously in favour of CAB3 does not render your claimed opposition to it authentically so! I consider you one of the most dangerous & calculating elements on our body politic. Anyone who dines with you needs a very long spoon!

Here is the Telegraph article written by Adrian Blomfield, its Senior Foreign Correspondent, following his interview with Retired Air Marshal Henry Muchena, Tendai Biti & Jealousy Mawarire than many of you have asked for. It also quotes Kasukuwere. "Mugabe’s strongman faces a coup of his own in Zimbabwe Unrest grows in Zimbabwe where the ‘The Crocodile’ seeks reforms that could keep him in power until he is 101. Adrian Blomfield Senior Foreign Correspondent📷 Adrian Blomfield is a Senior Foreign Correspondent at The Telegraph, covering defence, politics and conflict across the globe. See more Published 19 June 2026 6:00am BST Related Topics Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, Africa Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Zimbabwean president, has spent the past eight years consolidating his power with ruthless efficiency Credit: Dan Kitwood/Getty Images📷 When Emmerson Mnangagwa came to power in the 2017 coup that toppled Robert Mugabe, celebrations on the streets of Harare were matched by relief in chancelleries from London to Beijing. The man known as “The Crocodile” may have had a terrifying past, but he was seen as a pragmatist who did not seem to hate the “Gay United Gay Kingdom” – as his nonagenarian predecessor termed Britain – quite so much. Mr Mnangagwa’s efforts to re-engage with the West have comprehensively failed, however. Living up to his moniker more often than not, the Zimbabwean president, 83, has spent the past eight years consolidating his power with ruthless efficiency and is now seeking to extend it, plotting a constitutional overhaul that could theoretically keep him in office until he is 101. The proposal has caused such disquiet – even among elements of the military hierarchy that swept him to power – that some are now openly suggesting he could suffer the same fate as Mugabe. Those warnings are emanating from within the ruling establishment itself. Mr Mnangagwa’s efforts to re-engage with the West have comprehensively failed Credit: Jekesai Njikizana/AFP📷 A dissident security faction has emerged within the Zanu-PF ruling party, led by Air Vice-Mshl Henry Muchena, a retired senior air force officer. Its largely anonymous members – retired generals, civil servants and self-styled veterans of the liberation war – have submitted a petition demanding a referendum on proposals to extend the president’s rule beyond 2028, when he was set to stand down. Air Vice-Mshl Muchena, using language strikingly similar to that deployed against Mugabe, insists he remains loyal – but to the Zimbabwean people rather than their president. He also issued an ominous warning should Mr Mnangagwa refuse demands for a referendum on the proposed reforms. “The electorate is watching,” he told The Telegraph. “History is watching. Every Zimbabwean will remember those who chose personal enrichment over constitutional duty. We warn: do not betray the people.” Mr Mnangagwa (right) has been warned that he could face a fate similar to that of his predecessor Robert Mugabe (left) Credit: Jekesai Nijikizana/AFP📷 Given the rarity – and danger – of criticism from within the regime, Mr Mnangagwa has been forced twice in recent weeks into crisis talks with Air Vice-Mshl Muchena. “Regrettably, the two meetings failed to produce any results,” Air Vice-Mshl Muchena told The Telegraph, saying the president had treated his concerns with “contempt”. The showdown carries clear echoes of the coup that ousted Mugabe in November 2017. The generals behind it insisted they were not carrying out a coup at all, but defending the constitution and purging the “corrupt elite” surrounding the former president. Air Vice-Mshl Muchena’s group has likewise directed criticism at a trio of influential tycoons around the president, accusing them of bankrolling attempts to prolong his rule, with MPs allegedly receiving cash payouts and luxury vehicles in exchange for their support, claims dismissed by Zanu-PF leaders as “factional malice”. Others on the fringes of the movement are more explicit still. Jealousy Mawarire, an activist with close ties to Mugabe loyalists who fled Zimbabwe after the coup and who now advises Air Vice-Mshl Muchena’s group, said: “We have seen this kind of intransigence before from a sitting president whose colleagues are warning him against being captured by people whose chief interest is to loot the national coffers. “So there is a strong possibility that history repeats itself. If it does, President Mnangagwa will have no one to blame but himself.” Jealousy Mawarire, the activist, has warned Mr Mnangagwa that history could repeat itself📷 On Thursday, the lower house of Zimbabwe’s pliant parliament overwhelmingly adopted a reform bill, known in Zimbabwe as CAB3, that would initially extend Mr Mnangagwa’s second – and supposedly final – term to 2030. The bill now moves to the upper house of parliament, where it is also expected to sail ‌through as ‌Mr Mnangagwa’s governing Zanu-PF party ⁠controls it. His opponents fear the two-year extension would merely be the first step. The new provisions would replace direct presidential elections with a parliamentary vote, leaving Mr Mnangagwa’s political future in the hands of MPs who have a track record of doing his bidding. The reforms would also extend presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years. Elsewhere in Africa, leaders have argued that constitutional changes automatically reset presidential term limits. Some Zimbabweans, therefore, suspect that Mr Mnangagwa is seeking not merely another two years in office, but an additional 16. Given that the president is 83, many see echoes of Mugabe’s ambition to remain in power “until God says ‘come, join the other angels’”. Given the ruthlessness with which Mr Mnangagwa has consolidated power in recent years, the greatest threat to his ambitions is likely to come from inside the ruling establishment. Zanu-PF, which has governed uninterrupted since independence from Britain in 1980, only scraped a narrow victory in the 2023 election after a poll that international observers said was marred by intimidation and widespread irregularities. However, the party now commands an effective two-thirds majority – enough to rewrite the constitution – after an obscure political operative, Sengezo Tshabangu, seized control of the main opposition party with judicial backing. Mr Tshabangu expelled MPs who resisted his authority and replaced them with loyalists after a series of controversial by-elections in which genuine opposition figures were barred from standing. Efforts by veteran opposition leader Tendai Biti to forge a coalition capable of resisting CAB3 have made little impression. He said he and others had been beaten, arrested and stripped of their businesses, while rallies had been ruthlessly suppressed. Many see echoes of Mugabe in Mr Mnangagwa’s consolidation of power in Zimbabwe  Credit: Jekesi Njikizana/AFP via Getty Images📷 Speaking by telephone from Harare, Mr Biti insisted the struggle would continue. “The bill is a coup against the people and constitution of Zimbabwe,” he said. “It will push our country to the precipice of a violent implosion.” Yet it is not only the democratic opposition that has been weakened. Mr Mnangagwa – who insists CAB3 is a necessary structural reform to counter populism and ethnic division – has also moved against the once powerful coterie surrounding Grace Mugabe, the former president’s widow and would-be successor. Saviour Kasukuwere, Zanu-PF’s once-feared political commissar and de facto leader of the G40 faction, denounced the president from exile in South Africa. “Mnangagwa has started down a very dangerous road,” he said. “This could lead to very tragic consequences if he is not careful.” Yet Mr Kasukuwere cuts a lonely figure these days. Mrs Mugabe – whom Mr Mnangagwa once accused of lacing his ice cream with poison – has largely retreated into seclusion amid reports that she has cut a deal with the president to preserve her wealth and shield her from extradition to South Africa, where she is accused of, and denies, assaulting a young model with an extension cable. Meanwhile, Jonathan Moyo, long regarded as the intellectual architect of the G40 faction, has defected to Mr Mnangagwa’s camp, emerging as one of CAB3’s most vocal defenders. Despite presenting himself as a defender of constitutional order, Air Vice-Mshl Muchena – who had never previously spoken out – is not widely regarded as a democrat. Analysts suspect he is acting as the operational face of Constantino Chiwenga, the country’s vice-president. General Constantino Chiwenga has been biding his time to eventually succeed Mr Mnangagwa Credit: Jekesai Njikizana/AFP/Getty Images📷 Gen Chiwenga is widely believed to harbour a grudge. As chief of the armed forces in 2017, he was seen as the principal instigator of the coup against Mugabe. But analysts say he was unable to take power directly, both to preserve the fiction that the intervention was not a coup and to avoid Zimbabwe’s exclusion from the African Union and regional bodies. Instead, he became vice-president, reportedly on the understanding that he would eventually succeed Mr Mnangagwa – a prospect that now appears increasingly remote, turning Gen Chiwenga into an ardent constitutionalist. Over the past eight years, the president has steadily weakened his deputy by dismantling the military network behind the 2017 coup, retiring senior officers or dispatching them to distant embassies. He has also sidelined members of Gen Chiwenga’s family, while promoting his own relatives. A final showdown between president and deputy therefore looms. Whether Gen Chiwenga still commands meaningful support within the armed forces – or is relying on a handful of retired officers willing to fight on his behalf – remains unclear. For now, however, he is avoiding direct confrontation, preferring instead to deliver sermons in church about Hezekiah, the Old Testament king who persuaded God to extend his life by 15 years only to bring disaster upon Judah. There is a significant difference, however, between prophesying downfall and engineering it. For the moment, the Crocodile is still smiling."

@walter_ngwenya @chewater @nelsonchamisa Amnesia is real, despite a flawed election he denied Zpf two- thirds majority that was an achievement a major one. It was incremental indeed

@chewater @nelsonchamisa 'Since @nelsonchamisa took over the political capital from Morgan Tsvangirai, is there any meaningful/impactful/life-changing success, anything that really changed people's livelihoods/lives, anything towards change?. Is he a success or a failure? should we keep on hoping?'.

I am back and I have a Question. Since @nelsonchamisa created his last opposition party, has anyone else managed to create a better or stronger opposition party?

This is a fair observation, and some would say a clever legal argument. However, the Constitution appears to anticipate precisely this point by focusing on the EFFECT of an amendment rather than merely its label. If the current constitutional framework provides for two five-year terms, the maximum period a President may hold office is 10 years. If that framework is amended to two seven-year terms, the maximum period becomes 14 years. While the term limit remains "two terms", the EFFECT of the amendment is to increase the length of time a person may hold office from 10 to 14 years. That is exactly the type of benefit the Constitution's "no-benefit rule" was designed to prevent an incumbent from enjoying. The real constitutional question is not what the amendment is called, but what it allows an incumbent office-holder to DO in practice.

🚨🎙️Casemiro wife [Anna Mariana Casemiro] on why she got so emotional about leaving Manchester United: ''I get emotional because at every game, when we arrive at the stadium it feels like meeting friends and family. During the games, when we celebrate... everyone hugs each other and shouts together. It's a very SPECIAL connection that we created you know... and i'm really going to MISS.'' #MUFC [@ManUtd]

To understand why #CAB3 MUST go for a referendum, please WATCH this video and share it with others too: youtube.com/watch?v=0Lofda…

Let us strive to earn our livelihoods for our own dignity and freedom, not to rely on handouts.

In the immediate aftermath of the August 2023 sham elections, regime insiders disclosed the whole list of compromised CCC MPs. It included some of the most vocal pro-Chamisa MPs & party stalwarts. Some remain so to this day & some of them were the most vocal anti-CAB3 cohort. After I had unmasked Tshabangu as a proxy, it was alleged that he had a full FAZ team behind him, protecting him & directing his activities with unerring precision. Some of the non-CCC figures identified as having been working for FAZ at the time have also been visibly vocal against #CAB3 & collaborated with the so-called "defend the Constitution" platforms. CCC was infiltrated before the elections. It had embedded elements in it. Even some of the anti-CAB3 CC cases have parties that were previously flagged up as having long been compromised. This effectively means everything that you saw was a charade / farce & remains so, with the lines between what is real & what is choreographed blurred so emphatically that they are beyond retrieval! If you all ever wondered why I was consistently apathetic about the so-called Anti-CAB3 activities, including the "defend the Constitution" platforms, those are the reasons. The outcome & how things would unfold was always clear to me. I repeatedly shared that the whole process was choreographed but some vilified me. I repeat, we saw performative politics of the highest order, with some of the most pro-CAB3 figures being the most convincing Anti-CAB3 performers ever, complete with voting against the Bill in Parliament for good measure. Some of it one has to begrudgingly admire it, the sheer audacity & brazeneness of it, even if you are opposed to it. If citizens don't raise their level of political consciousness, they will hoodwinked repeatedly ad nauseum.

Prof Lovemore Madhuku explained to @channelafrica1 #Zimbabwe's parliament is being unconstitutional, as Section 328 of the Constitution (2013) reads: "If an amendment extends how long someone may hold an office (e.g. lengthening a term or resetting term limits), it does not apply to anyone who already held that office before the amendment took effect — a safeguard meant to stop sitting office-holders from using a constitutional change to extend their own stay in power."

In Mutare ne US$1 uno parker 2 hours? To think of it, in Harare there’s a court challenge for parking fees to be reduced to 50cents in line with SI41 of 2026.

One thing is clear @DavidColtart, Ziyambi Ziyambi would never have pursued the parliamentary route if he had been unsure of the outcome. This was choreographed long back. They knew the number of those that had been captured via Tshabangu & Hwende, & even allowed for some potential betrayal in that matrix. Tshabangu was unleashed exactly to solve that conundrum - to bridge the gap in support in ZANU PF. Some Zimbabweans are still to wake up to this reality, even at this late stage. The courts will not bring any respite for the very same reasons. That's why those two cases argued by @ProfMadhuku didn't gain traction. They were strategically temporarily immobilised or mothballed. This is political skulduggery of the highest levels!

OPINION I CCC defectors: It is my turn to feel the pain by ADVOCATE THABANI MPOFU ‘After fighting to restore 12 CCC candidates on the ballot in Bulawayo, my heart sank on Thursday as some of them voted in favour of a vulgarity that cannot be atoned’ zimlive.com/citizens-coali…

What many critics overlook is that #CAB3 got the numbers it needed from Tshabangu, a shameless proxy. Tshabangu was legitimised by Hopewell even though he was ED's proxy, with his fabricated "grievances," a red herring, presented as "legitimate." Tshabangu repeatedly disclosed that he was working with Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube & others to prosecute his shenanigans. At the time, none amongst them publicly challenged that narrative. They remained silent, even in light of Tshabangu's much publicised interview with @bbmhlanga. Ncube later expressly & publicly confirmed that arrangement. He also remains CCC's sitting president. Meanwhile, Biti was infamously caught with his pants down via that "anga achapera oga" audio with his ex-PDP contingent of Phulu, Mafume & others playing an active role in this circus. Biti also declared that he remained CCC's Vice President & then suddenly disappeared after Chamisa exited the scene. So whatever Chamisa's claimed omissions in this saga are, it remains the case that under his stewardship, #CAB3 had been defeated at source. Whatever grievances Biti, Ncube & others had against Chamisa, that can never justify aiding & abetting ED's assault on the Constitution. They could have remained within CCC while isolating Chamisa, exposing Tshabangu & continuing to viscerally oppose ED to preserve the electoral gains. They could have set aside their spite or even kept it while exposing Tshabangu as a fraud but they didn't. Biti later did a belated political summersault to front an anti-CAB3 platform but this always struggled with credibility by dint of his earlier shenanigans. Strategic Ambiguity is being condemned via the convenient hand of revisionism. At its height, it was even given effusive praise by Hopewell, which is a matter of public record. It was a desperate attempt to keep ED at bay & history will show that it achieved the strategic outcome of denying ED the numbers he needed, which is why ED had to resort to Tshabangu. Had Strategic Ambiguity failed, ED would have obtained the numbers he needed outrightly. Not only was he denied those numbers, he was also badly exposed internationally via the SEOM Final Report. What happened after that doesn't take away what was achieved & glossing over that betrays flawed analysis. There is a whole political galaxy between the pre-electoral situation & the post electoral one. In the latter, many belatedly realised that we were confronted with a national crisis, including the likes of Chiwenga, War Vets, civic bodies, Churches & academics & responded too little too late.

President @nelsonchamisa characterisation of CCC in his resignation statement reads far more powerfully after the vote. It couldn't have been truer. The giraffe was simply ahead of his time, as always. Anoonera murume uyu!

With the greatest of respect, this is simply a flawed analysis Chofs. ZANU PF has structures, a Constitution & established protocols which were clearly brazenly breached right under the noses of supposedly powerful stalwarts like Chiwenga. The national Constitution has clearly been vandalised not withstanding it's clear filibusters which prevent ED from benefitting from any amendments as an incumbent while also requiring two referendums in the process. A constitutional precedent was unlawfully set when Judges extended their own tenures & presided over their own case while setting aside an unfavourable High Court judgment, which created a constitutional crisis at the time. Even after that, Judges unlawfully received inducements from the Executive. We have just had 2 compelling cases conveniently dismissed by the CC on technical grounds & you also recently saw the extraordinary spectre of a recently retired CJ receiving personal perks / trinkets from an incumbent. In November 2017, we also had a coup taking place, as popular as it was, it was still a coup. You must analyse the issue holistically, looking at our political economy in its full glory, warts & all. Flowing from that, it stands to reason that even if your proposition was to be taken as unimpeachable in its merits, at its core, it cannot come anywhere near demonstrating that - it would have been sufficient to derail a clearly determined malign actor to launch an unprecedented assault on the Constitution. What history will show is that ED is in a class of his own in that regard. He simply succeeded in capturing all key state institutions ahead of time & regional ones as well, such as SADC. To lay all that on Chamisa's shoulders is conveniently appealing but materially & monumentally flawed. It's a convenient if not almost perfect scapegoat which absolves ED of culpability!

@CrimeWatchZW The charge should read "Failure to register motor vehicle within 14 days" not just failure to register motor vehicle. He has a genuine grievance

Hi, I would like to know the purpose of buying temporary number plates for a vehicle before leaving the port of entry. The reason I am asking is because the ZRP officers told me that these temporary number plates are not recognised, yet we are required to buy them and they are issued with a validity period of 14 days. I imported a vehicle from Japan and, after completing all the necessary paperwork at Kariba Border Post, I was instructed to buy temporary number plates for the vehicle. I complied and purchased the temporary number plates, which were valid for 14 days. I drove to Harare that same evening and arrived home at around 3:00 a.m. The following morning, while on my way to VTS to have my vehicle cleared and obtain a Certificate of Location, which had not been completed at the border post, I was stopped by a police officer. This happened on Tuesday, 9 June 2026, at approximately 8:10 a.m. along Simon Mazorodze Avenue, just after Chicken Slice, near what I believe is Birmingham Road. The officer who stopped me impounded my vehicle, stating that it had no number plates. I explained that I had temporary number plates that had been issued at Kariba Border Post the previous day and were still valid. I showed him the temporary number plates, but he said they were of no use and refused to accept my explanation. I was escorted to Mbare Police Station, where my vehicle was impounded. I asked to see the Officer-in-Charge of Traffic, but she was not available. I was then attended to by the Assistant Officer-in-Charge, who listened to my explanation, examined my documents, and instructed that my vehicle be released. He was very understanding and appeared satisfied that my documents were in order. However, while I was waiting for the paperwork to be completed, the Officer-in-Charge arrived. She asked why I was waiting at the charge office, and I explained what had happened. She immediately stated that my vehicle had to remain impounded. I showed her my documents, but she refused to listen and called the Assistant Officer-in-Charge who had authorised my release, instructing him that the vehicle should remain impounded. After further discussion, she informed me that I had to pay a fine for failure to register the vehicle. Having no other option, I paid the USD 30 fine. My concern is that I was fined for failure to register my vehicle despite being in possession of valid temporary number plates that had been issued less than 24 hours earlier and still had 13 days remaining before expiry. I would therefore like an explanation of the purpose of temporary number plates. If they are issued and valid for 14 days, why are motorists required to purchase them if ZRP officers do not recognise them? If the temporary number plates are legally valid, why was my vehicle impounded and why was I fined for failure to register the vehicle while displaying those valid temporary plates? @PoliceZimbabwe

🔸Back in 1987 when the Constitution was amended to allow for the direct election of the President, Edison Zvobgo made a compelling case for direct election. He observed that this direct election process was core to “one man, one vote” and denounced the notion of a parliamentary executive as being divorced from the people. It’s a pity @ZANUPF_Official no longer has intellectual muscle of this caliber. They cannot even have a sound cerebral debate. Varikubatirana pfuti nekunyima vanhi secret ballot in their desperation to rail road a brainless amendment that will ruin the remaining embers of our democracy. They’ve been reduced to mbingarism, cash for votes and cars for loyalty. They leave their brains at the door. Intellect has been replaced by paid trolls who flip flop according to the highest bidder. Of it’s not paid activism, then it’s a predatory elite that’s stolen so much they’re consumed by the pandemic of conspicuous consumption - spending money meant for basic services on their personal largesse. Ndozvamakaendera kuhondo here izvi? Our true heroes must be turning in their graves. Did their blood go to waste? It’s a mess. We need new leaders.🇿🇼

The juxtaposition of Robert Mugabe speaking in 1962 about the liberation cry of “one man one vote” with the corrupt elite’s posters dismantling that cry is awkward to say the least.

Rutendo alleges that Kuda Tagwirei interfered with efforts to procure the removal of sanctions on Mnangagwa and his wife. If that claim is true, then the treachery involved would be extraordinary, especially given that Tagwirei is a Mnangagwa boy. I cannot say where the truth lies in these allegations. ZANU PF people are evil. ZANU PF people lie. ZANU PF people are disloyal and lack probity. Anything is possible. What I can say, with certainty, is what the law requires. If Rutendo is lying, then he has defamed Tagwirei in a manner that cannot be brushed aside. It’s not political talk but malicious slander. He must be held to account and can be sued in our courts even if he is not in the country. If, however, he is telling the truth, then Tagwirei’s conduct is assuredly treasonous, laying aside for once the small matter of it being in breach of the Patriotic “Act”. Either way, the law must take its course, and it must do so against whoever is guilty. This cannot be business as usual. If Rutendo is in the wrong, Tagwirei must move decisively to clear his name. He has no option. If Tagwirei is in the wrong, then the alleged commission of treason is not something to be waved away; Zimbabweans would have every right to demand criminal accountability. Makunyiwe.

She spits facts only. No lies detected here. #AllThingsZim