Bouh 🇩🇯
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Bouh 🇩🇯
@Bouh7777
Passionné d'histoire de l'Afrique de l'Est



1991 Burco Conference, after the civil war, laid the foundation for Somaliland’s "independence." Each clan signed for its territory. Issa reps were Maxamed Warasma Shiil (Lughaya) & Hamza Omar Samatar (Saylac). Gadabursi signed for Awdal (Borama,Dilla,Boon).



The British conducted their final election in Somaliland on February 17, 1960. The Awdal region was divided into five constituencies. Dahir Hirsi (Issa), Zeila's third mayor, was elected to that district. Issa : Zeila (+Lughaya) and Abdulqadir Gadabursi mps : Borama, Boon, Dila







The colonizer did not randomly choose who to empower and who to strip of authority. It was calculated built on careful observation and strategy, selecting those willing to serve colonial interests and secure its grip on the region. France’s influence in the area began in Zeila, using the killing of Henry Lambert as a convenient excuse to step in. From that moment, it identified and elevated those who would collaborate and help entrench French control. And among them stood Ugaas of Ciise/ Issa Ugaas Rooble Faarax, remembered for submission. Pointing at the French, he told his people: “These are the true believers we are the unbelievers we are dogs with hair turned inward.” He crossed the boundaries of his faith and his culture. He violated the dignity and honor of his own people, all to appease the French the new coming colonizers. That was not leadership. It was surrender. And the consequences echoed for generations. France remained entrenched in Djibouti, its rule extended through political manipulation, including two referendums shaped by figures like Hassan Gouled Aptidon, ensuring its continued presence long after it should have ended.





In 1957, British Somaliland formed its first legislative council with elected native representatives from its six districts. New elections followed in March 1959.



In 1957, the British began restructuring the district administrations. They divided Zeila District into two: Borama District and Zeila/Abdulqadir District. Borama District included Boon, Dila, and Baki. The rest stayed under Zeila district ( Lughaya- ceel sheekh)


The Colonial History of the Awdal Region (Zeila/Borama District) ‼️🧵

The Issa of Xarirad have armed themselves; we will show the Ciro administration what we are made of very soon. This is only the beginning of the war in Somaliland.



The recent attack circulated against me is not merely inaccurate - it is a shameless fabrication, a political stunt, and an insult to both Somali history and the intelligence of our people. It is built on lies, bribery, and desperation, not on scholarship, research, or even basic honesty. Those who authored it have exposed themselves as reckless propagandists attempting to vandalize the history of Zeila with manufactured fiction. The historical record is indisputable: for more than eight centuries, Zeila was governed by the Gadabursi Sultanate, including the lineage of Grand Sultan Samatar Suldan Ibrahim Suldan Jama, whose authority extended over Awdal, Zeila, Djibouti coastlines, and the inland routes linking Harar and the Horn of Africa interior. These facts are preserved in British Somaliland archives, Ottoman records, Harari chronicles, colonial ethnographies, and the lived memory of the people of Zeila. No Issa clan source, at any point in history, held sovereignty over Zeila. Anyone peddling the opposite narrative is engaging in historical fraud. The so-called “new history of Zeila” being pushed today is a clumsy fabrication. It did not go through academic review. It was not based on archival research. It was not informed by interviews with residents of Zeila. It is nothing more than a politically engineered document rushed through the Ministry of Information with bribes, supported by the Djibouti government, and promoted by the Issa vice president of the Somali Region in Ethiopia who has spent years trying to expand Issa influence far beyond their historical territory. UNESCO’s role in signing off on this document - without ever setting foot in Zeila or consulting actual historical custodians - represents bureaucratic negligence, not legitimacy. UNESCO approvals are reversible; they are administrative paperwork, not divine scripture. The Qur’an is sacred. UNESCO forms are not. Since 1991, Djibouti has systematically interfered in Awdal, fueled by an expansionist fantasy that seeks to erase established communities, distort geographical history, and reengineer clan identity across borders. This behavior is documented and well-known. What is happening today is merely the latest extension of that long campaign: invent a new “history,” inject it into international institutions through corrupt channels, and hope the people of Awdal stay silent. They will not. As the elected representative of these communities, I will never remain silent while my people are erased on paper by politicians and opportunists in Djibouti, Hargeisa, and Addis Ababa. I have a constitutional duty to protect the rights, heritage, and existence of the people I represent. Speaking the truth is not clan incitement. Defending historical fact is not hostility. Exposing political fabrication is not extremism. It is my legal and moral responsibility. I have never called for violence against any Somali community, but I will always defend the right of every community facing aggression, erasure, or political targeting to protect their lives and dignity. Self-defense is not a crime; attempted cultural extermination is. The individuals who drafted that laughable statement attacking me attempt to portray themselves as advocates of peace while openly promoting lies that inflame tensions. Their hypocrisy is staggering. They dare to question my credibility internationally while they themselves are involved in submitting forged documents to UNESCO, bribing Somali ministries, colluding with a foreign government, and manufacturing historical narratives out of thin air. My record with the United States, the European Union, and other international partners is built on exposing corruption and defending accountability. Their record is built on deception and manipulation. The contrast could not be clearer. Their disgraceful use of defamatory language - calling me “schizophrenic” - is not only unethical but reveals the intellectual bankruptcy of their argument. When people have no facts, no history, and no evidence, they resort to insults. This childish rhetoric does not harm me; it humiliates them. It confirms what Somalis already know: these individuals are not defending culture or truth. They are defending their own political survival. Let this be clear - Zeila’s history is not up for sale. It cannot be rewritten by Djibouti’s ambitions, Issa political operatives, or corrupt officials in Mogadishu willing to stamp any document for a price. Eight centuries of documented history will not be erased by a handful of fabricated papers submitted to UNESCO. This is not a debate; it is an exposure of fraud. This issue is not about clan rivalry. It is about historical truth, national sovereignty, and the right of marginalized communities to exist without being targeted by political revisionists. Zeila belongs to Somalia, its heritage belongs to its rightful custodians, and no amount of manipulation or foreign pressure will change that reality. If the authors of that statement believe their propaganda will intimidate me, they are deeply mistaken. I will continue to defend my people, expose corruption, and confront any attempt - foreign or domestic - to distort Somali history. x.com/gafdiid7/statu… @Gafdiid7 @Knowledge_iii









