Zimbabwean Giant

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Zimbabwean Giant

Zimbabwean Giant

@ChiedzaVgoronga

farmer by birth 🚜 || A CHILD OF A KING WITH NO LIMITATIONS...🙏🙏🙏

Yeoncheon-gun, Republic of Kor Katılım Kasım 2025
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
We don't Please the West or the East WE PLEASE OURSELVES
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
According to Patrick Chinamasa, #CA3 is about preserving stability, policy consistency and long-term development. He argues that continuity strengthens investor confidence and supports Zimbabwe's Vision 2030 goals. 🇿🇼 #Vision2030 #CA3
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Shumbakadzi👑
Shumbakadzi👑@shumbakadzi_zim·
The Truth About uMzukulu Pearson Mbalekwa’s Expulsion & #CA3 This is one classic case that our President doesn't believe in nepotism, favoritism and all isms clouding opposition judgements. The noise surrounding Pearson Mbalekwa's expulsion from ZANU-PF needs a reality check. The media is trying to paint him as a victim, but a quick look at history reveals a textbook pattern of political flip-flopping, disloyalty, and cheap grandstanding. Let’s look at his track record: Mbalekwa has always been an unstable element. He deserted the party in 2005, ran to the opposition MDC-T to serve as Tsvangirai's advisor, and then crawled back to ZANU-PF in 2017. True revolutionaries stand with the party through thick and thin, they don’t treat their loyalty like a revolving door for personal relevance. He screams that #CA3 is "unconstitutional" and "illegal," yet he completely fails to point out a single legal clause or show how it breaks the law. #CA3 is moving through legitimate legislative channels to guarantee long-term economic development and end destructive electoral toxicity. Calling a lawful, constitutional process "illegal" just because you hate the idea is lazy politics. This isn’t about principles; it’s about attention. Mbalekwa has developed a habit of opposing bold ZANU-PF policies just to play to the gallery, trend on media, and project a false sense of moral superiority than everyone in the party. Resorting to sensational insults against the collective leadership proves he is just looking for a pat on the back from the opposition. ZANU-PF is a disciplined, revolutionary movement built on unity and collective responsibility. No single individual is bigger than the party. Mbalekwa broke ranks, chose self-interest over party discipline, and his expulsion is a necessary step to keep the vision for a stable Zimbabwe on track.
Shumbakadzi👑 tweet media
TheNewsHawks@NewsHawksLive

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s nephew and former MP Pearson Mbalekwa (pictured) has spoken about his expulsion from Zanu PF over his opposition to his uncle's contentious bid to extend his tenure by two years from 2028 to 2030. Following two Zanu PF resolutions to extend Mnangagwa’s rule by two more years, government initiated constitutional amendments ushering a raft of political, electoral and governance architecture changes to facilitate his 2030 term elongation, among other things. Government says it is making the changes to ensure political stability, end electoral toxicity and secure development projects, but opposition and civil society have rejected that as unconstitutional. Mbalekwa joined the movement opposing the constitutional amendments and Mnangagwa’s plan. This landed him in trouble. He was initially accused of breaking ranks in December 2024, suspended from ruling party activities and summoned to a disciplinary hearing in February last year. Eventually Mbalekwa was expelled from Zanu PF yesterday. Mbalekwa told The NewsHawks: "I haven't received the letter of expulsion yet, I just saw some reports on social media. It has been long coming. They have been on my neck for a long time. I was charged two years for refusing to support the 2030 agenda. I have never supported 2030, I still don't and will never do so under any circumstances. It's unconstitutional and it's only meant to benefit a few. It doesn't benefit the ordinary people, just a small clique, Zviganandas, around the President. If it does benefit the people as they claim, then let's take it to the people for approval through a referendum. The truth is that the 2030 agenda is unconstitutional, illegal and only benefits corrupt criminal elements around the President." Mbalekwa, who has a military and intelligence background, was until 2023 close to Mnangagwa, having worked with him for 43 years. They are relatives and lived together in Zambia during the liberation struggle when Mbalekwa worked in the Zambian army. They then worked together when Mnangagwa was State Security minister between 1980 and 1988, while he was at the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) where he spent over a decade. Mbalekwa also worked at Zimbabwe's diplomatic missions, including in Kenya and Mozambique. From CIO and foreign missions, Mbalekwa joined politics and became an MP for Zvishavane and Zanu PF Central Committee member. During the Tsholotsho Declaration political storm at the height of the latw former president Robert Mugabe's succession battle, Mbalekwa firmly stood with Mnangagwa and was prepared to join him when he wanted form a breakaway political party, UPM. After the Tsholotsho Declaration political turmoil and its aftermath characterised by political purges, Mbalekwa resigned from Zanu PF in 2005 in protest against Operation Murambatsvina (Drive Out Trash), calling government’s mass demolition of urban shacks campaign "callous and inhumane." He was subsequently regarded as expelled after demanding Mugabe step down. Mbalekwa then joined the main then opposition MDC-T party in 2007 and rose to become its National Chief Security Advisor to its founding leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Mbalekwa resigned from the MDC-T in 2013, citing deep-seated distrust from opposition officials who questioned his true loyalties given his CIO background. Following the November 2017 military coup that brought his uncle, Mnangagwa, to power, he rejoined Zanu PF. Mbalekwa was appointed private security adviser to Mnangagwa. He was also appointed head of investigations for the Special Anti-Corruption Unit in the President's office, but later resigned, accusing government officials of protecting politically connected corrupt individuals from prosecution. From there it was downhill until his last meeting with Mnangagwa in May 2023 when they last met and spoke. After that Mbalekwa opposed Mnangagwa’s 2030 agenda, leading to his suspension, disciplinary process and eventual expulsion.

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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
Debate around CA3 is not about individuals. 🇿🇼 It is about whether Zimbabwe's institutions should be designed to encourage stability, cooperation, and policy continuity instead of recurring political conflict. That is the constitutional question at the heart of the reform.
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
Progress requires adaptation. 🇿🇼 #CA3 seeks to strengthen institutions, improve governance efficiency, enhance accountability, and support long-term development. Reform is not abandoning the foundation it is refining it to meet the needs of tomorrow. #Vision2030
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
Treating term length and term limits as if they are the same thing. They are not. Term length asks: how long does one term last?Term limits ask: how many terms can someone serve?Changing one does not automatically change the other. The two-term limit remains in Section 91.
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
The liberation struggle was fought to end exclusion and secure equal political rights for all Zimbabweans. 🇿🇼 Its legacy is majority rule, universal suffrage, and equal citizenship not permanent attachment to one method of choosing leaders.
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Shumbakadzi👑
Shumbakadzi👑@shumbakadzi_zim·
Your mindless negativism has become legendary for a former newspaper editor who should know something about balanced commentary. All your comments on #CA3 come across like you're a paid thoughtless mouthpiece. Anyways, @ProfJNMoyo was intimately involved in two constitutiona making processes in 2000 and 2008 to 2013; more importantly, he was a law maker in Parliament for some two decades. Now tell us Mr Self-Righteous, what experience in law making do your good law professors have? Tell us, what law have they ever made? Just one law. Good day. @NewsDay_Zim @NewsHawksLive @HeraldZimbabwe
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
President Mnangagwa's development agenda is winning attention beyond traditional political circles. 🇿🇼 If figures like Winky D are finding common ground with national development priorities, it reflects growing recognition of Vision 2030 is about opportunities and Progress
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
@nelsonchamisa Many may hate Kuda Tagwirei today, but good deeds have a way of outliving noise. Those who build, invest, empower communities, and create opportunities are ultimately remembered by their results, not the attacks against them.
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Zimbabwean Giant
Zimbabwean Giant@ChiedzaVgoronga·
@matinyarare Usadaro 🤦🏾🤦🏾🤦🏾🤦🏾 Do let rudland get into your head like that usashandiswe
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nelson chamisa
nelson chamisa@nelsonchamisa·
THE WEDDING THAT REVEALS… That ‘wedding’ guest list is not merely a list of invitees; it is a roll call of the few who continue to plunder the nation’s wealth and resources for their own benefit. The obscene display of looted wealth stinks to high heaven. It stands in painful contrast to the widespread poverty endured by us ordinary citizens.:.seen in collapsing healthcare, a struggling education system, eroded savings and pensions, paltry salaries, and decaying infrastructure. At a time when millions are suffering, such extravagance exposes the deep inequality and moral decay at the heart of our society. This should serve as a wake-up call for all of us to say: enough is enough. We must stop this nonsense #CAB3 and demand a new leadership with a citizens mandate that serves the all rather than a privileged few. State capture is the worst form of treason! #WeTheCitizens
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Tinashe Chigumira
Tinashe Chigumira@Tchigumira78·
There is so much being said about Dr. Kuda Tagwirei today that one would think many people know him personally. Yet much of the conversation ignores a side of the man that thousands of Zimbabweans have experienced firsthand. This is a man whose foundation has supported people living with albinism, assisted drought-stricken families, drilled boreholes, rehabilitated roads, sponsored the education of vulnerable children and supported war veterans and their families long before politics became attached to his name. Through the Bridging Gap Foundation, thousands of vulnerable Zimbabweans have received support ranging from drought relief and food assistance to programs for people living with albinism, educational support, and community development initiatives. In districts such as Mutoko, drought-affected households have benefited from essential aid, while borehole drilling, road rehabilitation, and support for war veterans' families have improved livelihoods in communities often overlooked. His vision consistently aligns with youth empowerment, education, entrepreneurship, and long-term economic transformation. Through support for SMEs, community projects, and social investment programs, he continues to advocate for a Zimbabwe where opportunity reaches every corner of the nation. For many, Dr Tagwirei represents a model of leadership that combines business success, philanthropy, and a commitment to national development under #Vision2030. 🇿🇼 #KudaTagwirei #Vision2030 #Zimbabwe #Development #NyikaInovakwaNeveneVayo
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Sipho Nkosi
Sipho Nkosi@SiphoNkosi22·
This is now boring @matinyarare please do your research before posting things 🤦🏾‍♂️🤦🏾‍♂️🤦🏾‍♂️ you can do better my brother ,Credibility is more important than seeking relevance Variko vanhu vazhinji kwazvo who can teach you gwara remusangano wonzwisisa Stop this nonsense Benson
Rutendo Matinyarare@matinyarare

How did Kuda get into the Central Committee of ZANU PF without being elected at Congress when Congress is the only one that can elect members of Central Committee?

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Prof Jonathan Moyo
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo·
There’s no need or reason for you to shout, Honourable Senator Coltart. With due respect, your reading of subsections (1) and (7) of section 328; while sincerely held, I presume, does not align with the Constitution’s plain text, its deliberate structure, or the binding precedent of the Constitutional Court in the Mupungu case. The Constitution makes no references to “anything” or to “any amendment”. These are your self-indulgent characterisations. Section 328(1) defines a “term-limit provision” as one that limits the length of time that a person may hold or occupy public office. This is the “tenure” language of a personal cap or disqualification — exactly the kind used in section 91(2), which states that a person is disqualified from election as President after two terms; with three or more years counting as a full term. That is the only term-limit provision for the presidency, which aligns with section 328(1). By contrast, section 95(2) does not limit or disqualify any individual at all. It simply describes the institutional length of each term of office (five years, coterminous with Parliament). Constitution Amendment No. 3 Bill amends only this descriptive provision to adjust the electoral cycle to seven years. It leaves the personal two-term cap in section 91(2) untouched. The Constitutional Court settled this exact interpretive question in Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs & 6 Ors (CCZ 7/21, 2021). At paragraphs 43 to 51, the ConCourt made clear that term-limit provisions are those that impose a specific personal tenure limit on the holder of an office. Only amendments to such provisions engage the “no-benefit” rule in section 328(7). An institutional adjustment to the length of a single term is not one of them — just as the 2021 extension of the retirement age of superior court judges was not. Far from twisting the Constitution, this is textual fidelity to the plain words in subsections (1) and (7) of section 328; as interpreted by the ConCourt in the Mupungu case. Zimbabweans adopted this careful framework in the 2013 referendum, precisely to remove such matters from political contestation and place them under the rule of law, as interpreted by the courts. Parliament is therefore well within its constitutional mandate to proceed with the Bill, without a referendum, as the Constitution itself requires. The Constitution is not a political football; it is the supreme law of the land; and its text should be honoured as such!
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Bete 𝕏 
Bete 𝕏 @Bete263·
Everson, @bbmhlanga ne @NewsDay_Zim, yacho don't find stories; they have to invent them, and in most cases, they are the story. With the lack of resources caused by @TrevorNcube's mismanagement, there is no budget for real #journalism. Everson fabricating that audio, casting himself as Apostle #Java, then publishing it as breaking news is exactly what #Newsday is about in 2026.
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Prof Jonathan Moyo
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo·
Counsel, with all respect, you are over simplfying and distorting the issue to the point of sounding more like an amateur political commissar. The correct position is that where section 328(7) applies, and it should be emphasised that it applies ONLY where the amendment in question is an amendment of a TERM LIMIT PROVISION, affected incumbents cannot benefit; unless the amendment has been approved by a referendum. The Bill does not amend any term limit provision to trigger or engage section 328(7)!
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Prof Jonathan Moyo
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo·
In 2000, the Lancaster Constitution did not have a referendum requirement for its amendment. That referendum happened at the political discretion of the Government, on the advice of the Constitutional Commission, in terms of the Referendum Act; which was hurriedly enacted for the purpose to commence on 11 January 2000 for the referendum on 13-14 February 2000. In 2013, the same situation like in 2000 obtained, because the Lancaster Constitution was operative. The 2013 referendum held under the Referendum Act on 16-17 March 2013 was pursuant to Article 6.1(b) of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which provided that: "Parties hereby agree that the draft Constitution recommended by the Select Committee (COPAC) shall be submitted to a referendum". The new situation since then is that the Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013), endorsed by the March 2013 referendum provides for its amendment in section 328; and that section clearly lays out which chapters and sections require a referendum for their amendment. This means the decision whether or not to hold a referendum is no longer a political or moral question as it was in 2000 and 2013; it is now a constitutional or legal question in terms of section 328 of the Constitution. If there's a conflict of interpretation of section 328, then only the Constitutional Court has the duty to provide the authoritative and binding interpretation. Otherwise, as things stand, the Bill does not have a clause that engages or triggers section 328(7). This is not a trivial point, it's an important point which, if there are issues, they can only be resolved by the ConCourt!
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Prof Jonathan Moyo
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo·
The simple answer to your question is that what you refer to as, "so much frantic effort to avoid the people via a referendum" is in your head, and nowhere else. Meanwhile, a referendum is a constitutional and not a political issue. As such, it can only be held only where it is required by the Constitution itself; not where it is demanded by politicians or anyone else who seek to put themselves in place of the Constitution!
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