Chikwado Cyprian

Very very true twitter.com/entreproapp/st…

Hunting RedSun 🌞 Inspired by the Nightmare‑Eclipse RedSun PoC, I’ve expanded my BlueHammer KQL detection to uncover Defender’s behavioral blind spots. Sharing my DefenderXDR hunting logic with the community — evolving the path from BlueHammer to RedSun.🎯 KQL Code: github.com/SlimKQL/Detect… #CyberSecurity #RedSun #DetectionEngineering #DefenderXDR

@JefTek @IAMERICAbooted Not just security agents, all of not most AI agents.

@IAMERICAbooted Glad to see you looking at securing agents. This is definitely the new frontier for security that is quickly coming.

Who can tell me how many agents are connected to your Microsoft tenant and what are they doing? This is a problem I'm going solve.

@guyrleech @UK_Daniel_Card I have seen a powershell script to disable for all users.

Seems we have a customer who has been bitten by this and it is stopping them accessing the virtual desktops! 😨 Any advice/workarounds over and beyond what's in this article please - I've not seen the problem myself yet?

Peter Obi said some of these things about the VALUE in the North and people called him a mad man. That man knows EXACTLY what he is talking about! Listen to the end and if Nigerians like, let us not take this country back. We have no idea the DANGER we are in. Just imagine.

Dear Alhaji Atiku, @atiku A time comes in a man’s life when he decides what legacies he wants to be leave behind. 2027 beckons and at 80 years what do you really want to be remembered for? A Hero or a Villain. The choice is yours. Please share until he sees it.

Most important tasks for now. 1. Visit INEC Portal at cvr.inecnigeria.org to get your PVC. 2. Visit adcregistration.ng to register with the ADC and be part of the decision making.

@JaggaJesse @Tunnykvng 🤣🤣🤣

@Tunnykvng In Peter Drury's voice "this is the clash of the terrorists, A game with more blockade than the straits of Hormuz"

Arteta Bin Laden vs Simeone Shekau

They thought my tweet was all a joke. Nigerians really don’t realize the mess they are in, how COOKED we are. Oya nau. Take am play fess. Better go get your PVCs and prepare for the worst.

@sydney_talker 🤣🤣🤣

God!!! I’m relocating to mars 😭😭😭

It’s hard, maybe even unfair… but I’m grateful this is happening to me here, among you. I’m not alone. Your strength and your love will be my driving force. See you again soon, Anfield ❤️

@educatedtug01 @Noreelation 🤣🤣🤣

Kayamanta PR is quiet now. No lady wants to tie a man down and end up feeding him later. This country is hard 😭

@Gbdaniel001 @ego_shaun 🤣🤣🤣

When you arrive at a lying competition but the competitor lied about the venue

STATE CAPTURE It Is Happening Right Now, Right Under Your Noses — And You Are Letting It By Kio Amachree | President, Worldview International | Stockholm, Sweden While Nigerians argue over tribe and tongue, a systematic takeover of every institution capable of stopping one man is almost complete. This is not politics. This is the end of the republic. Nigeria, I need you to stop. Stop the tribal arguments on your timelines for five minutes and read what is actually happening to your country. Not from the spokesmen of Aso Rock. Not from captured newspapers. From the cold, documented record of what has been done — institution by institution, appointment by appointment, court by court — since May 2023. What is unfolding has a name. Political scientists coined it in post-apartheid South Africa when they watched Jacob Zuma’s network hollow out the state from within. They called it state capture — the process by which a single individual, family, or network gains control over the legislature, judiciary, security apparatus, electoral commission, and media, bending every institution to serve private power rather than the public good. It does not require a coup. It only requires your silence, your division, and your distraction. I. They Control What You See A free press is the first line of defence against the abuse of power. Ask yourself honestly: how many major Nigerian media houses will today publish sustained, documented criticism of the presidency without self-censoring? When editors make decisions about coverage, are they asking what is true — or what is safe? The answer tells you whether you still have a free press or a managed one. II. They Control What the Courts Decide The judiciary is the citizen’s last fortress. When the executive controls who sits on the bench, when election petitions are decided by judges whose appointments are tied to political patronage, when cases involving the presidency move at supernatural speed while others stall for years — you no longer have an independent judiciary. You have a legal rubber stamp. The Rivers State crisis is a live demonstration. A state assembly bombing. A governor under siege. A state of emergency declared over what is, at its core, a political dispute between two men — one of whom controls Abuja’s purse strings. Watch the courts. Watch the speed. Then ask whether you would receive the same justice. III. They Control the Money The Ikoyi cash scandal has never been properly resolved. Billions in physical currency found in a private apartment, connected to the same political network that now controls the federal budget, the oil sector, and the disbursement of revenue to states. The NNPCL remains a black box. The fuel subsidy removal transferred the most catastrophic economic cost in Nigerian history onto the poorest citizens — while the beneficiaries have never been made to publicly account for where the recovered funds went. This is not policy failure. Policy failure is accidental. This is deliberate extraction — the looting of national resources under the cover of reform language. IV. The Document Every Nigerian Must Know A United States federal court has ordered the disclosure of FBI and DEA intelligence files relating to President Bola Tinubu by June 2026. This is not rumour. This is not opposition propaganda. It is a court order in the United States of America. Why was this same man denied a U.S. visa on terrorism-related grounds? Why does his closest business associate — Gilbert Chagoury, a man carrying a Swiss money laundering conviction and his own U.S. visa denial on terrorism grounds — have a son sitting on the board of a Chagoury subsidiary? These are not questions. They are documented facts. Nigeria deserves answers before 2027. V. Your Tribe Is Not Your Country I am Ijaw. Of royal lineage. My grandfather stood before the Willink Commission in 1958 and argued for the rights of Niger Delta minorities before Nigeria existed as a nation. My father was Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General and the first African Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations. I have more reason than most to feel the pull of ethnic loyalty. And I am telling you: your tribe will not save you from state capture. The Igbo business community loses when contracts go to cronies regardless of merit. The Yoruba professional class loses when loyalty replaces competence. The Hausa farmer loses when fuel prices triple and fertiliser subsidies disappear. The Ijaw fisherman loses when the Niger Delta remains on fire while the men who promised to fix it manage their offshore accounts. State capture does not discriminate by ethnicity. It destroys everyone equally. If you are Igbo — Tinubu has weaponised your legitimate grievances about marginalisation to keep you from uniting with those who are equally being robbed. Do not let him. If you are Yoruba — the fact that he comes from Lagos does not make this your victory. Ask where the contracts went. Ask whether ordinary Yoruba people are better off. The Lagos of Awolowo’s dream was built on accountability, not dynasty. If you are from the North — the subsidy removal hit your region hardest. The security crisis in the Northwest and Northeast has not improved. Your leaders who support Abuja do so for their own reasons. Ask what those reasons are. If you are from the Niger Delta and the South-South — Rivers State is burning. Your governor is under siege. The oil wealth of your land flows outward while your communities remain underdeveloped. When will enough be enough? The Final Warning Viktor Orbán did not destroy Hungarian democracy overnight. He destroyed it one institution at a time, while his opponents spent their energy fighting each other. By the time they united, the rules of the game had already been rewritten. Nigeria is at that inflection point — right now. The window between today and 2027 is not wide. State capture, once complete, is extraordinarily difficult to reverse. But the tools to stop it still exist. The courts have not fully fallen. Civil society still breathes. The diaspora — twenty million Nigerians abroad, educated, connected, and furious — has never been more mobilised. And the Nigerian people, when united, have removed governments before. Unity is the condition. And unity begins with seeing clearly — past tribe, past region, past the deliberate noise — and naming what is being done to your country. It is called state capture. It is happening right now. And you must stop it — at any cost — before 2027 makes it permanent. Kio Amachree is President of Worldview International and a leading diaspora voice on Nigerian governance and accountability. His grandfather participated in Nigeria’s 1958 pre-independence constitutional conference; his father served as Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General and the United Nations’ first African Under-Secretary-General. #StateCapture #NigeriaDecides2027 #StopTinubu #TinubuMustGo #NoToTribalDivision #ChagouryTinubu #FBIFilesMatter #NigeriaRising #OurCountryNotHis #DiasporaForNigeria #RiversStateCrisis #AccountabilityNG #TheKioSolution #WorldviewInternational

WHEN THE LEBANESE ARE ASHAMED AND NIGERIANS ARE STILL CLAPPING By Kio Amachree | Worldview International Lebanese people — including people from the Chagoury family’s own circle — have contacted me to say they find Gilbert Chagoury a disgrace. The grandson of a former President of Lebanon wrote to me. His own people are ashamed. And yet in Lagos, Nigerians are praising Tinubu for giving this convicted criminal $13 billion of our money and handing him our coastline. The Lebanese community is embarrassed by Chagoury. Nigerians are celebrating him. What does that tell you about where we are as a people? This man was convicted in Switzerland. Not accused. Convicted. He laundered Abacha’s stolen billions. The U.S. banned him from entering the country. Nigeria’s own former anti-corruption chief said on camera — you could not investigate corruption in Nigeria without looking at Gilbert Chagoury. Tinubu gave him Nigeria’s second highest national honour. In secret. Then handed him a $13 billion highway contract. No tender. No bid. And his son Seyi sits on Chagoury’s company board while telling Nigerians his father is not enriching himself or his friends. The shamelessness is breathtaking. I am more Yoruba by blood and family than this man who cannot prove his own name will ever be. This is not about ethnicity. This is about documented theft of Nigerian public wealth. The FBI files are coming. Judge Beryl Howell set the deadline. The truth is already in motion. Nigeria is not for sale. And I will keep saying so. #ChagouryScandal #NigeriaIsNotForSale #KioAmachree #TinubuMustAnswer #FBI2026 #EndImpunity #NigeriaDeservesBetter

@trigottista @chxgbx 😂😂

- Yar'adua regime - Goodluck regime - Buhari regime - Tinubu regime

AN OPEN LETTER TO PETER OBI — A WORD FROM A SON OF NIGERIA On Power, Courage, and the Unfinished Business of a Nation Kio Amachree | President, Worldview International · Stockholm | April 2026 Dear Mr. Peter Obi, I owe you a confession before I offer you counsel. In the last presidential election, I supported you. Not casually — I believed in you. I watched you speak in Atlanta, and what I saw was something Nigeria has rarely produced: a man who sounded like he had actually read the brief, who understood the gravity of the office he was seeking, and who spoke to Nigerians not as subjects to be managed but as citizens deserving of respect. I was moved. I was persuaded. And I trusted a process that, as I now understand more completely than ever, was never designed to be trusted. I looked across at Bola Ahmed Tinubu — a man who, in the most charitable interpretation of his observable condition, appeared to be fighting a daily battle simply to remain upright and coherent — and I made the mistake of assuming that what was obvious to my eyes would be obvious to the outcome. I did not account sufficiently for the depth of the organised criminality arrayed against the Nigerian people. I did not account for the degree to which the machinery of power in that country has been engineered not to reflect the will of the citizenry but to override it. I switched off in disgust. I am ashamed to admit it, but I did. For a moment, I despaired. What reactivated me was not optimism. It was fury — and the particular fury of a man who was raised to believe that silence in the face of injustice is its own form of complicity. My father, Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC — Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, General Gowon’s personal envoy to Washington during the Civil War, one of the architects of Rivers State — was not a gentle man. He was rigorous. He was demanding. He was, at times, difficult to love. But he built into me something I could not switch off even when I wanted to: the sense that Nigeria is not merely a country one happens to have been born into. It is a responsibility. It is a debt owed to those who came before and those who will come after. My grandfather, Chief Sekin Amachree, sat at the 1958 Constitutional Conference and the Willink Commission. These men shaped Nigeria before it was even Nigeria. I am their reflection — and as any man who has stood before a mirror knows, a reflection does not always like what it sees. But it cannot look away. Now I come to you with what I hope you will receive in the spirit in which it is offered: not as flattery, not as political alignment, but as the hard, frank counsel of one educated man to another. I was educated at Eton College — not the softened, therapeutic Eton of today, but the Eton that broke you down and rebuilt you; the Eton that fed you deliberately terrible food so that you would learn to endure discomfort without complaint; the Eton that placed you among the sons of dukes and diplomats and expected you to hold your own. The school that in its long and morally complicated history produced twenty-four British Prime Ministers — including, most recently, Boris Johnson and David Cameron. I mention those two men for a reason, Peter, and I need you to listen carefully because there is a lesson in them for you. Boris Johnson — the blond, blundering, self-consciously bumbling figure that the British public came to love and loathe in equal measure — is not what he appears. That persona is a construction, polished over years at Eton, refined at Oxford, deployed with extraordinary precision. Johnson’s great-great-grandfather was a Turkish journalist named Ali Kemal, a man of dark complexion and Muslim faith who was so critical of the Atatürk revolution that he was killed by a mob and his body dragged through the streets of Istanbul. His family fled to England during the First World War — on the wrong side of the conflict, since the Ottomans had fought with the Axis against Britain — and his widow, terrified of persecution, changed the family name to Johnson. A safe, plain, English name. Over generations, the Turkish identity dissolved. The grandson of that terrified widow became the Foreign Secretary and then the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. I am not telling you this to diminish Johnson. I am telling you this because it is the greatest lesson Eton teaches, though it never states it plainly: the surface is a weapon. The carefully constructed persona — the apparent bumbling, the Latin quotations, the self-deprecating humour — was armour and ammunition simultaneously. While his opponents were laughing at him, he was outmanoeuvring them. David Cameron, by contrast, came from genuine money and genuine breeding. He had no need to construct anything. He was charming, handsome, instinctively confident, loved his Bob Marley, smoked his weed at school, was caught — and was not expelled, because Eton looked at him and saw a future Prime Minister, which is precisely what he became. Two very different men. Both utterly ruthless. Both winners. The lesson I am drawing for you is this: you must stop campaigning like a man who is trying not to offend anyone, and start campaigning like a man who intends to win. Nigeria in 2027 is not a debating competition. It is a knife fight. And a knife fight is not won by the man who is most correct — it is won by the man who is most prepared to use what is in his hand. Let me now speak plainly about Bola Ahmed Tinubu, because plainness is what this moment demands. In my considered assessment — and I do not use such language lightly — Tinubu represents the most comprehensively corrupt political figure to have occupied the highest office in Nigeria’s troubled history. That is not rhetoric. That is a conclusion drawn from evidence that is now, in significant part, part of the public international record. There is the matter of the United States federal narcotics investigation — the case that cost him his forfeited funds in Chicago and that lies at the core of the FBI and DEA files that a United States federal court, under Judge Beryl Howell, has ordered released. Those files, due by June of this year, may well constitute the most consequential document release in the history of Nigerian political accountability. The man currently sitting in Aso Rock has a documented relationship with American federal law enforcement that has never been honestly reckoned with by the Nigerian political establishment or the Nigerian press. And then there is Gilbert Chagoury. Let us be precise: Chagoury is a man convicted in Switzerland of money laundering and reported by American intelligence as having financed Hezbollah. He is also the man to whom Tinubu’s administration has directed billions of dollars in no-tender infrastructure contracts — including the controversial Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — without competitive bid, without transparency, without the basic procedural safeguards that any functioning government owes its people. The relationship between Tinubu and Chagoury is not incidental. It is structural. It is the architecture of how power and money move in this administration. And then there is the son. Seyi Tinubu. A young man installed on corporate boards, positioned as a conduit for the family’s accumulation of influence, presented to the public through the cynical theatre of rice distributions to the poor while billions are being distributed to the connected. He is not a peripheral figure. He is the succession plan. He is also, for your purposes, the most humanly comprehensible point of attack — because nothing angers ordinary Nigerians more than watching a president’s son live like a king while they cannot afford to eat. Peter, here is my direct counsel to you. Stop being careful. The time for careful has passed. These are not normal political adversaries operating within a normal political system. These are people who have weaponised the state, corrupted the judiciary, terrified the press, and enriched themselves beyond any defensible measure while the Nigerian naira has collapsed and ordinary families have been reduced to desperate improvisation simply to survive. You are not going to defeat them by being measured. You are going to defeat them by being relentless. Make the Chagoury contracts the centrepiece of your campaign. Demand accountability for every naira. Make Nigerians understand not just that money has been stolen — they already know money has been stolen, they have always known — but where it has gone, into whose hands, and at whose instruction. Make the connection between the billions flowing to Chagoury’s companies and the intelligence reports linking Chagoury’s network to Hezbollah financing. Ask the question publicly and loudly: are Nigerian state funds being used to finance terrorism? Ask it until you get an answer. I write this from Stockholm. I cannot vote. I cannot march. I am a Swedish citizen of Ijaw and Niger Delta royal lineage, a diaspora voice, a man who has slept in palaces and on floors and worked on Wall Street and in the City of London and in the Nigerian National Assembly and in the boiling heart of African civic struggle. I have no party. I have no financial interest. What I have is a name, a history, and a conscience that my father — for all his severity — programmed to be incapable of looking away. I pray that the United States releases those FBI and DEA files on schedule. I pray that the Central Intelligence Agency, which has long maintained its own complex relationship with Tinubu, makes the calculation that he has become more liability than asset — particularly as the Chagoury-Hezbollah nexus moves from allegation toward documented fact in international law enforcement circles. These are not fantasies. These are live proceedings in active jurisdictions. Nigeria does not need saving — that framing is too passive, and it places too much burden on a single individual. Nigeria needs someone willing to fight for it with the same ferocity that those who have looted it have fought to keep it. My grandfather helped write the terms of this nation’s existence. My father spent his life in its service. I have spent mine trying to honour them both while finding my own voice in a world that did not always make room for it easily. I am offering you that voice. The counsel of an Old Etonian who was taught not how to be a gentleman — though that too — but how empires are built, how power actually functions, and why the most dangerous man in any room is often the one who appears least threatening. I am offering you the analytical framework of a man who has studied Nigerian politics from the inside and from the outside, who understands the diaspora, who understands the international legal architecture that can be brought to bear, and who believes, despite everything, that this fight is still winnable. Go for the jugular, Peter. Do it with evidence. Do it with precision. Do it with the controlled fury of a man who has genuinely reckoned with what is at stake. Cast away the niceties — they have cost you enough already. Nigeria is watching. The diaspora is watching. And the dead — among them the men whose names I carry — are watching too. I wish you strength, clarity, and the wisdom to know that in this particular fight, mercy extended to the wrong people is simply cruelty extended to the right ones. Go well. And go hard. Kio Amachree President, Worldview International Stockholm, Kingdom of Sweden Son of Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC, Nigeria’s First Solicitor-General

Please if you know him from Igbo Eze north local government, Stanley by name died in South Republic of Cyprus please if you know him when was alive or know his family, call this phone number +234 703 722 2111 to connect you with the people close to direct you And if you help to share the Post it might get to people who really knows his people or who can help in anyway to bring back the body back home

As the saying goes 'necessity is the mother of invention'...just tooled up a RC4 Depreciation Readiness Dashboard. It runs scripts against Active Directory, and presents it in a dashboard, including a remediation action plan. Testing it this week, and will push it to GitHub once completed. #Microsoft #ActiveDirectory #Compliance #RC4 #Kerberos #Windows #MicrosoftWindows

@randomrecruiter 😂😂

Remote workers waking up from their 3pm nap after their manager sends a Teams call with no subject line

@Iam_SolomonJay 😂😂

She said ‘get your hairy a$$ in my office.... HOW’D YOU KNOW IT’S HAIRY?😱💀