Gilberto Conde

Repeating what I said a few days ago: Iran still has at least 30 patrol ships equipped with missiles and torpedoes, plus hundreds of other fast boats also equipped with missiles and some classes with torpedoes. Hundreds more boats have rocket launchers, many of which have already received guidance kits. It is said that Iran can operate up to 4,000 fast boats. I estimate at least 1,500, of which 300-350 are armed with missiles. Recapping: the already devastated Iranian navy still operates around 30 patrol ships, 300–350 missile boats, and about 18–22 submarines and mini-submarines.

Don’t worry, folks—if the Houthis block the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, Trump will just double blockade it.

Las líneas rojas de Washington equivalen a solicitar capitulación, como si realmente Irán estuviera derrotado y sin posibilidades o voluntad de responder. Receta para continuar una guerra cara para el mundo.

@AJENews What is Trump going to do when prices hit the $120 bar due to his own blockade of Hormuz?

BREAKING: Trump says US navy to blockade all ships entering or leaving Strait of Hormuz 🔴 LIVE updates: aje.news/x545rk?update=…

Trump: también EEUU bloqueará Ormuz para castigar a Irán. Autogol: la primera consecuencia será presionar los precios a la alza, la preocupación capital de Trump. El lunes cambia de rumbo.

Islamabad talks did not get to a deal over issue of trust. Iran wants to make sure a deal will implemented and U.S. will not walk away from it after Iran hands over its enriched Uranium and opens the Strait. U.S. wants both right away Iran wants first war to be definitively over and guarantees around the deal. The two sides will reassess back in their capitals and there could be another bite at the apple

La otra posibilidad, claro, es que cuentan con que es sábado y que las cotizaciones de petróleo y acciones no se van a volver locas, como bien entienden los que elaboraron este video. x.com/i/status/20431…

Delegación de EEUU se retira de negociaciones. VPres JD Vance: "hicimos nuestra mejor propuesta [y] no la aceptaron". Iraníes: el tiempo nos favorece. Analistas: el problema de Vance, no las armas nucleares, sino el cese al fuego en Líbano. Otros: normal en pujas iniciales

More than 2,000 people have been killed by Israeli strikes in Lebanon since the war began, after this week’s “Black Wednesday” Lebanon’s health ministry announces. A grim milestone.

Hormuz Strait Remains Closed According to Mahdi Bakhtiari, Tasnim’s correspondent dispatched to the Persian Gulf region, there is currently no traffic in the Strait of Hormuz, and permission was denied even to an American destroyer that intended to pass through the strait.

The U.S. says 2 destroyers safely transited Hormuz, without Iranian cooperation. Destroyers are *much more vulnerable* to mines than oil tankers are. If true, U.S. took a big risk here to prove concept that Hormuz is open, un-mined. Iran is denying the report.

Here’s why the U.S. and Iran probably won’t sign a permanent ceasefire deal – and why that may not even matter. Foreign policy expert Trita Parsi (@tparsi) says that, already, “the ground has shifted in the Middle East.”

Parece que la tregua no llegará a las dos semanas. Tras violar los acuerdos, EEUU amenaza con reiniciar sus ataques si “fracasan las negociaciones”.

UPDATE: Trump threatens Iran with new strikes if talks fail 🔴 LIVE updates: aje.news/8znvvy?update=…

Two of the measures mutually agreed upon between the parties have yet to be implemented: a ceasefire in Lebanon and the release of Iran’s blocked assets prior to the commencement of negotiations. These two matters must be fulfilled before negotiations begin.

💥Nothing else is working, so ahead of the holy Sabbath Netanyahu goes apeshit on Spain. "The State of Israel will not remain silent in the face of those who attack us! Spain has defamed our heroes, the soldiers of the IDF, the soldiers of the most moral army on earth! Therefore, after Spain repeatedly chose to stand against Israel, I have ordered the removal of the Spanish representatives from the [US] coordination center in Kiryat Gat Whoever attacks the State of Israel instead of terrorist regimes, whoever does this, will not be our partner in the future of the region! I am not willing to tolerate this hypocrisy and this hostility. I do not intend to allow any country to wage a diplomatic war against us without paying an immediate price for it."

💥Over 24 hours after Israel issued an evacuation order for Beirut’s southern suburbs, no strikes have followed. There are indications that Trump may be again "urging" Netanyahu to "scale back" Lebanon operations.

#Iran’s Lebanon Dilemma: Has Tehran Abandoned Hezbollah? 🔹The massive Israeli strikes in Lebanon – coming less than a day after the U.S.-Iran ceasefire announcement – have injected immediate uncertainty into planned negotiations in Islamabad. From Tehran’s perspective, any ceasefire that excludes Lebanon is fundamentally incomplete and unacceptable. 🔹Iranian officials have consistently emphasized that, based on understandings reached through Pakistani mediation, the ceasefire was supposed to be regional in scope. The exclusion of Lebanon is therefore not seen as a technical oversight, but as a political shift. 🔹In Tehran’s reading, that shift reflects a deliberate decision by Donald Trump to align more closely with Israeli priorities following consultations with Benjamin Netanyahu. 🔹This has already reinforced a long-standing concern in Iran, i.e., the unreliability of U.S. commitments. Entering negotiations under these conditions is seen as strategically risky and politically costly. 🔹At the same time, Iran has drawn a firm red line. It has made clear that it will not participate in negotiations while Israeli strikes against Hezbollah continue. A reduction in the tempo of attacks is not sufficient, and Tehran is demanding a complete halt. 🔹This position reflects deeper structural pressures – both regional and domestic – that constrain Iran’s room for maneuver. 🔹In Iran, analysts increasingly interpret the situation as a calculated strategy by Washington and Tel Aviv to push Iran into a lose-lose scenario. 🔹If Iran escalates militarily in response to Israeli actions, it risks being blamed, especially domestically, for breaking the ceasefire. This is particularly sensitive given widespread public fatigue with war. 🔹A significant portion of the Iranian population, while not necessarily supportive of the regime, welcomed the ceasefire as a pathway toward stability. Renewed escalation could therefore trigger public backlash. 🔹This is compounded by an existing perception among many Iranians that the government invests heavily in regional conflicts, particularly in Lebanon and Gaza, at the expense of domestic priorities. 🔹In such a context, any Iranian military response could be framed internally not as national defense, but as a war fought on behalf of external actors. This interpretation that carries serious political risks. 🔹At the same time, restraint is not cost-free. Failing to respond risks alienating the Islamic Republic’s core ideological base, which has significant sympathy toward Hezbollah and expects tangible action. 🔹These constituencies – though smaller – are highly organized and politically significant. Their frustration with perceived inaction is already visible. 🔹As a result, Tehran finds itself navigating between two competing domestic pressures: a war-weary public on one side, and a mobilized ideological base on the other. 🔹Iran’s current approach reflects an attempt to balance these pressures. Rather than escalating directly, it is combining diplomatic maneuvering with indirect forms of pressure. 🔹On the diplomatic front, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has engaged regional and European counterparts, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive, region-wide ceasefire. 🔹At the same time, Iran has avoided direct military escalation against Israel and instead turned to its most critical leverage point, namely the Strait of Hormuz. The aim is to push the U.S. to constrain Israel. 🔹Despite expectations that maritime traffic would return to normal after the ceasefire, only a handful of ships passed since yesterday, indicating a deliberate effort to sustain pressure. 🔹From the perspective of some Iranian analysts, this form of economic and maritime pressure is more strategically valuable than missile retaliation. There is a growing view that limited missile strikes against Israel would achieve little beyond signaling solidarity, and could even play into Israel’s hands. 🔹The argument here is that Israel may actually prefer continued escalation, and that its demonstrated resilience in absorbing Iranian strikes has exposed the limits of Iran’s long-range missile deterrence. This has shifted the debate within Iran. The question is no longer whether to respond, but how. 🔹One camp argues that Iran could resume direct strikes against Israel while maintaining the ceasefire with the United States, effectively decoupling the two fronts. 🔹In this scenario, Washington – if genuinely interested in de-escalation – might tolerate limited Iran-Israel confrontation, allowing negotiations to proceed in parallel. Proponents see this as advantageous: it would sideline the United States and allow Iran to confront Israel directly. 🔹The opposing camp is more skeptical. They argue that even without direct U.S. offensive involvement, Washington would continue to provide Israel with logistical, defensive, and intelligence support. From this perspective, the idea of U.S. disengagement is largely illusory. 🔹Moreover, restricting the conflict to Iran and Israel would reduce Iran’s strategic flexibility. Tehran’s most effective leverage has come from its ability to target U.S. interests across the region, not just Israel itself. 🔹This creates a stark strategic dilemma: either escalate broadly, including against U.S. interests, or maintain the ceasefire and pursue diplomacy. 🔹Beyond these immediate tactical debates, Iranian analysts are increasingly focused on two broader strategic concerns. 🔹The first is reputational. Failure to support Hezbollah risks undermining the principle of mutual support that underpins Iran’s regional network. 🔹If Tehran does not act, allies in Iraq, Yemen, and elsewhere may begin to question whether the costs of supporting Iran are reciprocated. Such a shift would weaken Iran’s deterrence posture and erode its influence across the “axis of resistance.” 🔹The second concern is structural: the future balance of power in the region. 🔹Iran appears to view the current moment as a rare opportunity to reshape that balance, particularly through its leverage in the Persian Gulf. 🔹From this perspective, continued Israeli operations in Lebanon are not just tactical, but they are strategic moves aimed at fragmenting Iran’s regional network. 🔹By isolating and pressuring individual nodes like Hezbollah, Israel may be attempting to prevent coordinated, multi-front responses. Over time, this could create a new strategic reality in which Iran’s allies are weakened sequentially, leaving Tehran itself more exposed. 🔹Iran’s objective, by contrast, is to preserve its model of collective deterrence, in the sense that any attack on one actor should trigger a broader regional response. 🔹This logic explains Tehran’s insistence on including Lebanon in the ceasefire. For Iran, this is not a secondary issue, but central to preserving its regional architecture. 🔹Ultimately, the current crisis is being interpreted in Tehran as both a tactical challenge and a strategic inflection point. 🔹How Iran navigates this moment – balancing domestic pressures, alliance commitments, and great-power dynamics – will shape not only the fate of the negotiations, but probably also the contours of future of the future regional order.

Nous nous excusons d'avance si nous sortons de notre registre habituel, factuel et direct, en laissant transparaître nos sentiments. Ce sont nos grands-parents, nos oncles et tantes, nos cousins et cousines, nos amis qui sont massacrés aujourd'hui au Liban.

Justo hoy, Netanyahu lanza su ataque más duro contra el Líbano desde que empezó la ofensiva. Su desprecio por la vida y el derecho internacional es intolerable. Toca hablar claro: - Líbano debe formar parte del alto al fuego. - La comunidad internacional debe condenar esta nueva violación del derecho internacional. - La Unión Europea debe suspender su Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel. - Y no debe haber impunidad ante estos actos criminales.