Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

@KMooreGilbert

Academic. Author. Advocate. https://t.co/ZdxumawUcQ https://t.co/9vIz0sEnvZ Insta: @kyliemooregilbert Email: [email protected]

Australia Katılım Kasım 2020
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
At least Araghchi seems to have actually received a genuine PhD, unlike a certain former Iranian Interior Minister who claimed to have graduated from "Oxford University of London"...
Lawdan Bazargan@LawdanBazargan

Back in 1996, the Islamic Regime of Iran funded the doctoral studies in Britain of Abbas Araghchi, who is now its foreign minister. He even thanked the regime’s Foreign Ministry, and Mr. Norouzi personally, for making his degree possible. And what a spectacular return on the Iranian people’s money: "thirty years later, we finally found someone citing his thesis, another Islamic Republic apologist, from Indonesia." The thesis itself is exactly what you would expect from a regime-funded diplomat: hundreds of pages trying to dress up theocracy as “political participation.” Araghchi admits that ultimate authority belongs to the faqih, that popular sovereignty is restricted by “God’s law,” and that the system is fundamentally theocratic, yet still tries to portray elections and consultation as evidence of democratic accommodation. Even more conveniently, he says examining how the Islamic Republic actually applies, or violates, its own Constitution is outside the scope of his study. In other words: ignore the prisons, censorship, executions, disqualified candidates and crushed protests, and suddenly the dictatorship begins to look wonderfully “participatory.” Three decades of waiting for one regime-friendly citation. Academic influence and waste of Iranian people's resources at its finest. #StopIRILobby

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Negar Mojtahedi
Negar Mojtahedi@NegarMojtahedi·
One of the most revealing admissions yet from Iran's Foreign Minister. In a lengthy podcast interview, Abbas Araghchi suggested foreign intelligence operations may have gone beyond espionage, not just gathering information or locating officials, but influencing decision-making inside the Islamic Republic. Why does that matter? I spoke with three leading Iran experts to unpack what his comments could reveal about Iran's intelligence failures, internal politics and the future of the regime. Read my latest: iranintl.com/en/202607219145 @AlexVatanka @therealBehnamBT @Omid_M
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Lawdan Bazargan
Lawdan Bazargan@LawdanBazargan·
شنبه عصر اتفاقی برایم افتاد که هنوز نتوانسته‌ام از ذهنم بیرون کنم. با سه نفر از دوستانم در یک بستنی‌فروشی در اورنج کانتی در صف بودیم. چند نفر از هواداران آقای رضا پهلوی هم در داخل سالن نشسته بودند؛ از روی تیشرت‌ها و جلیقه‌هایشان با عکس های بزرگ آقای رضا پهلوی مشخص بود از چه گروهی هستند. یکی از دخترها مرا شناخت. با هیجان به بقیه گفت: «الان اینجاست که باید مرگ بر سه‌ فاسد، ملا، چپی، مجاهد بگویید.» بعد نزدیک ده پانزده دقیقه مدام به من خیره شد، گوشی‌اش را جلوی صورتم گرفت، چند بار از کنارم رد شد و همان شعار را تکرار کرد؛ انگار از آزار دادن یک مخالف سیاسی لذت می‌برد. صادقانه بگویم، شوکه شدم. نه به خاطر اینکه کسی با من مخالف است. من سال‌هاست با مخالفت زندگی کرده‌ام. نه به خاطر توهین؛ آن را هم بارها تجربه کرده‌ام.‌ شوکه شدم چون برای چند لحظه احساس کردم دوباره در ایران هستم. یادم افتاد بسیجی‌ها و گشت ارشاد چگونه به آدم نگاه می‌کردند؛ همان نگاه که می‌گفت: «تو حق نداری جور دیگری فکر کنی. تو باید بترسی. باید احساس کنی اینجا امنیت نداری و جایی برای تو وجود نداره.» اما یک تفاوت بزرگ وجود داشت. وقتی در ایران با بسیج روبه‌رو می‌شدی، لااقل می‌توانستی برای خودت توضیحی پیدا کنی. می‌گفتی این‌ها در یک نظام ایدئولوژیک بزرگ شده‌اند، مذهبی هستند، از کودکی یاد گرفته‌اند که مخالف، دشمن است. اما انتظار چنین رفتاری را در قلب کالیفرنیا؛ در کشوری که آزادی بیان، تحمل مخالف و حقوق فردی از پایه‌ای‌ترین ارزش‌هایش است‌نداشتم. چطور ممکن است یک دختر جوان که در چنین جامعه‌ای زندگی می‌کند، همان الگوی رفتاری را بازتولید کند؟ چگونه ممکن است به جای دفاع از آزادی بیان، بخواهد عقاید دیگران را با ارعاب و تحقیر کنترل کند؟ این دقیقاً همان فرهنگی است که ما سال‌ها با آن جنگیده‌ایم. اگر قرار باشد هر کس مخالف ماست، در خیابان تحقیر شود، اگر قرار باشد حضور یک انسان با عقیده‌ای متفاوت آن‌قدر عصبانی‌مان کند که بخواهیم دورش جمع شویم، از او فیلم بگیریم و شعار مرگ علیه او بدهیم، آن وقت چه تفاوتی میان ما و رفتار نیروهای چماق بدست بسیج و گشت ارشاد باقی می‌ماند؟ بیش از همه، یک سؤال ذهنم را رها نمی‌کند. اگر آن روز تنها بودم، آیا این رفتار به همین‌جا ختم می‌شد؟ من خوش‌شانس بودم که تنها نبودم و دوستانم کنارم بودند اگر نه شاید رفتار او گستاخانه تر می بود. اگر واقعاً به دنبال ایرانی آزاد هستیم، باید از همین امروز یاد بگیریم که مخالف سیاسی دشمن نیست. آزادی بیان فقط برای کسانی نیست که با ما موافق‌اند. آزمون واقعی آزادی، تحمل صدای کسی است که دوست نداریم. من همچنان از حق همه، از جمله همین افراد، برای حمایت از آقای رضا پهلوی دفاع می‌کنم. اما همان‌قدر قاطعانه از حق خودم و دیگران برای داشتن عقیده‌ای متفاوت، بدون ترس از ارعاب و نفرت، دفاع خواهم کرد. این مرزی است که اگر از آن عبور کنیم، دیگر تفاوت چندانی با فرهنگی که سال‌ها علیه آن مبارزه کرده‌ایم، نخواهیم داشت.
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Masih Alinejad
Masih Alinejad@AlinejadMasih·
While the world watches the war, the Islamic Republic of Iran hanged a 19-year-old boy today. His name is Erfan Esfandiari and he was his parents' only child. He did not kill anyone. He did not carry a weapon. His crime, according to the Islamic Republic, was opening a door. Sheltering protesters who were running from security forces. That was enough to send him to the gallows. Erfan was one of 12 young men in the Alikhani Square case in Isfahan, arrested during the January 2026 uprising. Yesterday, all 12 were moved to quarantine. Today, the Islamic Republic hanged him. This is a government that is so terrified of a generation that refuses to be silent, that it executes teenagers for the act of compassion. Say his name. Because the regime is already trying to erase him. Because his mother and father are left with nothing, not even the right to grieve loudly.
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
Grinning from ear to ear this morning. Thank God Sepideh, Sima and Houman have been released. Not only that, but without having to pay bail, and without pending charges too. Nobody can fathom the vicissitudes of the regime in Iran, but perhaps all the noise made about their arrest internationally had something to do with it.
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Patrick Wintour
Patrick Wintour@patrickwintour·
Great news. Many contributed to their release and who knows what changed the jailer’s minds? But @KMooreGilbert and Nazanin Zaghari Ratcliffe who knew those imprisoned personally spoke up, including in Guardian. Thankful to my newspaper for continuing to publish on human rights in Iran.
RadioFarda‌|‌راديو فردا@RadioFarda_

رسانه‌ها در ایران روز یکشنبه ۲۸ تیر از آزادی هومن جوکار و سپیده کاشانی دو فعال محیط زیست شناخته شده ایران خبر دادند. کانال «پیام ما آنلاین» در تلگرام روز یکشنبه گزارش داد هومن جوکار، مدیر سابق پروژه بین‌المللی حفاظت از یوزپلنگ آسیایی، و سپیده کاشانی، کارشناس و فعال حیات‌وحش، که ۱۰ تیر بازداشت شده بودند، آزاد شدند. به نوشته این رسانه، تا زمان آزادی این دو، «هیچ‌ گونه جزئیات یا اتهام رسمی تاییدشده‌ای از سوی مراجع قضایی درباره علت بازداشت موقت چندروزه آن‌ها رسانه‌ای نشده است». حجت کرمانی، وکیل دادگستری، روز پنج‌شنبه، ۱۱ تیرماه، از بازداشت دوبارهٔ سپیده کاشانی و هومن جوکار، دو فعال محیط زیست که پیشتر سال‌ها در زندان بودند، خبر داد. به گفته این وکیل دادگستری، نیروهای امنیتی همچنین سیما کاشانی، خواهر سپیده کاشانی را نیز بازداشت کردند. پیام ما روز یک‌شنبه همچنین از آزادی سیما کاشانی خبر داده است. سپیده کاشانی و هومن جوکار از اعضای مؤسسه «حیات وحش پارسیان» هستند که به همراه چند فعال دیگر محیط زیست زمستان سال ۱۳۹۶ توسط اطلاعات سپاه بازداشت شدند.

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Kian Tajbakhsh
Kian Tajbakhsh@k_tajbakhsh·
Important critique by @JEyal_RUSI. I have been making a closely related argument: Nasr repeatedly adopts Tehran’s own account of the conflict as the frame of analysis, minimizing Iranian agency, miscalculation and vulnerability. My broader critique of this approach: x.com/k_tajbakhsh/st…
Jonathan Eyal@JEyal_RUSI

Professor @vali_nasr latest @FT article on the military flare-up in the Gulf is a classic example of the poverty of analysis among some Western-based experts on Iran. There is no mention of the possibility that the mullahs in Tehran may be simply miscalculating in escalating their confrontation with the US or that they could be misreading the US’s determination to prevail in the Hormuz Strait. There are no hints of Iran’s own economic, military and strategic vulnerabilities; these remain unmentioned, as they have been throughout Professor Nasr’s recent coverage of the Gulf war. Instead, most of his article is devoted to allegations of how the US supposedly ignored the obligations it undertook in the MoU with Iran, by not releasing any frozen Iranian assets or by refusing to accede to Iran’s view on how Hezbollah should be treated in Lebanon. The fact that, in turn, Iran singularly failed even to begin clearing mines from the strait – as it was obliged to do under the MoU – remains unmentioned. And Iran’s determination to fire at shipping which ignored the mullah-imposed navigation routes is explicitly justified by Professor Nasr’s article. Indeed, he implies that US protection for ships that opted to ignore Iranian orders and navigate instead near the Oman coastline provides a key explanation for Iranian belligerence. Throughout, Professor Nasr portrays Iran’s leaders – whom he invariably equates with the country – as thoughtful and well-informed and as enjoying broad popular support. He claims, for instance, that “Last week’s mammoth turnout for the funeral of the slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei was also important in convincing Iran’s leaders that the population would support a hard stance on the strait,” without pondering for a second whether this turnout was manufactured rather than spontaneous. Support for the Iranian regime among Western academics comes in various shapes and forms. But probably the most insidious form is the provision of analysis that deliberately ignores key elements in the debate, that implicitly justifies the mullahs’ actions as reasonable and measured, conflates Iran’s rulers with the public at large and implies that Iranian leaders are both omnipotent, well-informed and visionary. Sadly, Professor Nasr’s analysis ticks some of these boxes. To clarify: all these remarks are my personal views, conveyed in my personal professional capacity, and most certainly do not represent either my Institute or the opinions of any of my colleagues. Why Iran is returning to war ft.com/content/22fdb2… via @ft

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Lei Cheng
Lei Cheng@ChengLeifreedom·
My piece in the Australian today
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Hostage Aid Worldwide
Hostage Aid Worldwide@HostageAid·
5/5 Former Prisoners Call on Australia to Take More Forthright Approach to Foreign Detention and 'Hostage Diplomacy' hostageaid.org/former-prisone… Australia - ABC Following a Senate committee inquiry in 2024 the Australian government last month announced it would publish a framework to assess cases of "wrongful detention", including for diplomatic leverage. Kylie Moore-Gilbert, who was imprisoned in Iran for 805 days on false espionage charges, said she welcomed the long-awaited reforms. But she said the reforms fell short of a major overhaul. "We're asking for a standalone office to be established with one person responsible," she said.  "[It should] cooperate with international friends and allies to dis-incentivise and punish countries for taking our citizens wrongfully or torturing our citizens." @KMooreGilbert
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Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights
Last week, the RWCHR and @Macquarie_Uni co-hosted a collaborative panel discussion to launch the special issue of the Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism titled ‘Rethinking responses to #hostage diplomacy: A collaborative approach to policy, strategy and practice’. The launch event featured contributors to the special issue, including leading scholars and policy experts in the fields of hostage diplomacy and arbitrary detention from around the world. The RWCHR’s Brandon Silver as well as Dara Conduit, Sophie Hunter, and @KMooreGilbert discussed the ideas presented in their articles as part of a broader conversation on how to understand and address the phenomenon of hostage diplomacy. youtube.com/watch?v=wmO1bz…
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Rana Dadpour
Rana Dadpour@RanaDadpour·
Great evening with @KMooreGilbert at The Cairns Institute @jcu talking about Iran, the January massacre, hostage diplomacy, the fears and hopes…
Rana Dadpour tweet mediaRana Dadpour tweet media
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
Seyed Salman Samani, who was until recently Iran’s deputy interior minister, claimed in an appeal to the Federal Court that expelling him would violate his rights... Samani is one of almost three dozen alleged senior members of Iran’s repressive regime who have been found in Canada, according to figures released by federal immigration officials.
Kaveh Shahrooz کاوه شهروز@kshahrooz

We're lucky that @StewGlobal follows these cases closely (the only journalist in Canada to do so, AFAIK). Otherwise the public wouldn't know the absurd arguments these guys advance ("patenty unreasonable" decision to deport, my ass) to avoid being sent back to the hellhole they've created. globalnews.ca/news/11966601/…

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Lina Khatib
Lina Khatib@LinaKhatibUK·
I’ve been talking about regime implosion in Iran since last year. It’s a process. The regime is not more or less hardline, it’s just as hardline as before. But: No Supreme Leader + no central military command => growing divergence within the ruling establishment. Not sustainable.
Amal Mudallali@AmbMudallali

Very alarming: Araghchi says Iranian army unit are acting independently now and are isolated and they act on orders they got before! This is a freelancing army with units attacking whoever they want without a central authority!

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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
My comments to @abcnews on DFAT's recently released formal response to the 2024 Senate Inquiry into wrongful detention. Here the heartbreaking case of Matthew Ralalj is profiled, an innocent Australian who was forced to serve his sentence in full in a Chinese prison because his detention was not recognised as wrongful abc.net.au/news/2026-07-1…
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Lazar Berman
Lazar Berman@Lazar_Berman·
Avigdor Lieberman in reaction to coalition law banning arrest of Haredi men evading military service: “Who would have believed that it is easier to recruit fucking [Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad than the Haredim?"
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Kevin Yam 任建峰
Kevin Yam 任建峰@kevinkfyam·
No self-respecting Australian would ever back England in any sporting context. And so it is that I am thrilled to see soccer not going “home”. Same old Pommies, always choking! 😂😂😂
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib@afalkhatib·
A May 2026 Pew survey found that 44% of American Muslims expressed favorable views of Hamas, the terrorist organization that controls Gaza and carried out the October 7 attack, along with decades of violence against Israelis and Palestinians. Many reacted with shock at what they saw as a disturbing indicator of radicalization in American Muslim communities. For me, it was neither shocking nor remotely reflective of the full picture. Based on countless interactions, trends, and observations since October 7, this number is almost certainly an undercount, capturing only those willing to admit their support, much like 2016 polls that underestimated Donald Trump’s backing because many voters hesitated to disclose support for a then‑controversial figure. This support reflects a multi‑layered failure that begins in the home. Many parents import rigid political narratives from their countries of origin and pass them to their children, leaving first‑ and second‑generation Muslim Americans trapped between inherited dogma and their own attempts to think more broadly. The near-absence of healthy institutional infrastructure then reinforces that foundation. National organizations like CAIR, AMP, SJP, and MSA have filled the vacuum with grievance‑based politics, enforced conformity, and a culture where dissent is punished as betrayal. Consider Senate candidate Abdul Sayed, who could not even acknowledge Ayatollah Khamenei’s death because some Michigan Muslims were “mourning” the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Layer onto this the intellectual environment of many universities, where post‑colonial frameworks, social‑justice rhetoric, and certain DEI orthodoxies elevate minority identity while treating criticism of harmful cultural or religious ideas as taboo. In that climate, support for a jihadist terrorist organization is reframed as legitimate “resistance.” Endorsing Hamas has been normalized as a “pro‑Palestine” stance, bundled with a set of ideological positions and social behaviors that reward extremism and punish nuance. The real challenge is not the 44% who openly support Hamas. Their position reflects profound ignorance of Hamas’s catastrophic impact on the Palestinian national project and on the people of Gaza. The urgent work lies with the roughly half of American Muslims who did not say “yes.” They need space, support, and protection to challenge extremist narratives in their communities and to separate Palestinian identity and Muslim identity from a fascistic terrorist organization that violates every religious, humanitarian, and moral norm. Many of these Muslims tell me privately that opposing Hamas has become a litmus test for whether they are considered “real Muslims,” even though they see themselves as proud Americans and integral members of this country. They describe being threatened, ostracized, and smeared for speaking out. They also express deep gratitude for anyone willing to say publicly what they feel unable to voice. These are the people who deserve our focus, solidarity, and allyship. Supporting them is essential to ensuring that American Muslim identity is not defined by a foreign conflict or by allegiance to a terrorist group. And it is entirely possible, and morally necessary, to criticize Israeli government actions without embracing Hamas.
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