Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert

@KMooreGilbert

Academic. Author. Advocate. https://t.co/ZdxumawUcQ https://t.co/9vIz0sEnvZ Insta: @kyliemooregilbert Email: [email protected]

Australia Katılım Kasım 2020
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
Such an honour to write for @TheAtlantic In this piece I consider the shadow war of espionage between Tehran and Tel Aviv, arguing that the Islamic Republic's brutal authoritarianism and repression of its own people leaves it exposed to Israeli intel ops on its own territory.
The Atlantic@TheAtlantic

In the game of spy vs. spy, Israel keeps getting the better of Iran. @KMooreGilbert on what going to jail under fake espionage charges taught her about Iran's real problem recruiting operatives: theatlantic.com/international/…

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Nazanin Boniadi
Nazanin Boniadi@NazaninBoniadi·
Nowruz is the first breath of spring, not only in the turning of the earth, but in the heart of a land that has burned. Out of endless nights, out of names no longer spoken, a light rises, a light that refuses to be extinguished. We are a people of the sun, even if for decades we have been held in shadow. Every flame we leapt across, every prayer we whispered beneath our breath, every tear shed in silence, was a seed of this moment. Let darkness believe it is eternal; we know that dawn always finds a way. Iran, from the depths of this ruin will rise again, greener than any sabzeh, brighter than any mirror. And on that day, Nowruz will not merely mark a beginning, but our return to ourselves. — Nazanin Boniadi
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Nazanin Boniadi
Nazanin Boniadi@NazaninBoniadi·
نوروز، نخستین نفسِ بهار است، نه فقط در گردشِ زمین، که در دلِ سرزمینی سوخته. از میانِ شب‌های بی‌پایان، از میانِ نام‌هایی که دیگر کسی صدایشان نمی‌زند، نوری سر برمی‌آورد، که خاموشی نمی‌پذیرد. ما مردمانِ آفتابیم، حتی اگر دهه‌ها در سایه نگه‌مان داشته باشند. هر شعله‌ای که بر آن پریدیم، هر نیایشی که زیر لب خواندیم، هر اشکی که در سکوت ریخت، بذرِ همین لحظه بود. بگذار تاریکی گمان کند که جاودانه است، ما می‌دانیم سپیده همیشه راهی پیدا می‌کند. ایران، از دلِ همین ویرانی، دوباره خواهد رویید، سبزتر از هر سبزه، روشن‌تر از هر آینه. و آن روز، نوروز فقط یک آغاز نخواهد بود، بلکه بازگشتِ ما به خویشتنِ خویش خواهد بود. — نازنین بنیادی
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Nassim Khadem
Nassim Khadem@NassimKhadem·
I love working for the ABC and work extremely hard to tell stories that resonate. We're taking industrial action to call on ABC management to make an EBA offer that provides quality jobs, so we can keep delivering great journalism. #QualityNewsQualityJobs
Nassim Khadem tweet media
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Yashar Ali 🐘
Yashar Ali 🐘@yashar·
The official news agency of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s judiciary has announced that three protesters from the uprisings in early January have been executed by hanging in public in Qom, Iran. Mehdi Ghasemi Saleh Mohammadi Saeed Davoodi The three men were accused by the regime of killing police officers and carrying out “operational actions for the Zionist regime [Israel] and the hostile US government.” The three young men, like all defendants, were deprived of due process. Among the injustices they faced: 1. Reliance on coerced confessions 2. Restricted access to lawyers, especially during the investigation phase 3. Closed or rushed proceedings 4. Ignored exculpatory evidence 5. Being held without a lawyer during initial interrogation 6. Subjected to physical and psychological torture, including beatings causing hand fractures 7. The court ignored claims that confessions were obtained under torture 8. No investigation into torture allegations 9. Alibi evidence dismissed 10. Defense witnesses dismissed or not summoned 11. Extremely brief hearing 12. Denial of real access to independent lawyers 13. Lack of transparent evidence (I have only included two of their photos, as I try, as much as possible, not to publish images of imprisoned Iranians in prison uniforms.)
Yashar Ali 🐘 tweet media
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Roya Boroumand
Roya Boroumand@RoyaBoroumand·
Iran never misses a propaganda spectacle. Even during war, it stages choreographed welcomes for soccer players, some of whom sought asylum in Australia after failing to sing the anthem in protest against the January killings. Shows and repression are as essential to its survival!
خبرگزاری میزان@MizanNewsAgency

مراسم اسقتبال از تیم ملی فوتبال بانوان کشورمان پس از ورود به کشورمان

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UN University-INWEH
UN University-INWEH@UNUINWEH·
We are proud to share that Prof. Kaveh Madani, Director of UNU-INWEH, has been named the 2026 Stockholm Water Prize Laureate. 
Honoured for advancing water science, policy, diplomacy & public engagement. @KavehMadani
UN University-INWEH tweet media
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
The Islamic Republic is on a spree of threatening its footballers, despite one might imagine, being preoccupied with far more serious matters these days. Sardar Azmoun is a hero in Iran, and one of the most recognisable faces of Iranian football. From the Sunni Turkmen ethnic minority, he currently plays in the UAE. When I was in prison I used to watch the regime's Varzesh sports channel for hours a day, and saw countless propaganda clips featuring Sardar's goal scoring as a source of national pride. Every single Zenit St Petersburg game was broadcast live because Sardar played for them at the time. That the regime would now come after Sardar for being insufficiently patriotic is wild.
Iran International English@IranIntl_En

The IRGC targeted Iran national team striker Sardar Azmoun after he posted images with UAE leaders Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, warning of prosecution and potential asset seizure. Azmoun shared a photo of himself with the UAE rulers on Instagram, writing: “Meeting one of the most successful minds in the world was a pleasure and an honor.” The IRGC Telegram post framed the visit as collaboration with Iran’s enemies and called for legal action against the player, saying Azmoon remained silent on US and Israeli attacks in the region.

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Maziar Bahari
Maziar Bahari@maziarbahari·
It’s official. Iranian state media have announced that Larijani is dead. Since this morning, there have been discussions about whether Larijani was a brutal regime insider involved in some of the most heinous propaganda and in masterminding the killing of innocent protesters, or whether he was a “pragmatic” insider who could negotiate a deal with the US. He was both. Many Iranian artists and intellectuals remember Larijani's involvement in humiliating them on state television when he was in charge of IRIB for more than a decade, and many families of murdered protesters regard him as one of the killers of their loved ones. But after Ayatollah Khamenei's death, no one in Iran had Larijani's credibility among regime insiders. His absence deprives the regime of an experienced henchman with clerical credibility (due to his family background) and IRGC connections. The next person in charge may not necessarily be more radical than Ali Larijani, but will definitely be less experienced and less trustworthy in the eyes of the clerical establishment and the IRGC. Killing him has made the regime more chaotic, but not necessarily weaker. The next person in line to take over the regime is Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the current Speaker of Parliament, who may be closer to the IRGC but lacks Larijani's clerical connections. Ghalibaf has presented himself as the Islamic Reza Shah for a while, a strongman who can lead post-Khamenei Iran. We reported this back in June 2025. Is Ghalibaf the next target of Israel? iranwire.com/en/politics/13…
Maziar Bahari tweet mediaMaziar Bahari tweet media
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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
Teeth gnashing about Larijani ignores the biggest goddamn elephant bearing down on everyone in the room: The man was the chief architect of January's massacre, which killed an estimated 30,000 unarmed civilians in a few brief days. The idea that he could act as a pragmatic interlocutor after this is fanciful.
Lina Khatib@LinaKhatibUK

To those lamenting the killing of Ali Larijani on the basis that he fit the profile of someone the US could negotiate with: If he fit that profile he would not have been assassinated in the first place. And to those saying the regime will now be more rigid: It’s always been rigid

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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
When the @ConversationEDU asked me to contribute a book recommendation on Iran for this list there was no doubt that it had to be Marjane Satrapi's incredible graphic memoir Persepolis. I am honoured that Hessom Razavi selected my own book for this list as well (although let me assure you, it doesn't belong in such storied company!) Off to buy In Case of Emergency right now... theconversation.com/5-books-to-hel…
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Kevin Yam 任建峰
Kevin Yam 任建峰@kevinkfyam·
Headlines like this made me realise at last how it’s so easy to frame things like this in antisemitic terms as “Jewish Conspiracies”. The issue essentially is this: bad conduct that would normally attract universal condemnation would instead attract institutional silence if directed at Jews. This leaves Jewish groups and communities as pretty much the only ones calling out such bad conduct. This leaves Jewish groups and communities sticking out like thumbs amidst a sea of silence. When common decency compels that their concerns are acted upon despite such silence from all but Jews, it easily creates the misleading impression that Jews are somehow unusually vociferous and unusually influential, even though the chorus of condemnation would have been deafening if any other ethnic or religious group suffered from the bad conduct which have instead been aimed at Jews. In noting this, am I saying that there hasn’t been overreach from certain quarters of the Jewish communities when it comes to calling for people to be cancelled? Of course not. In this regard, my social media track record of opposing calls from certain Jewish voices for the cancellation of various individuals, despite my disdain for the views of such individuals, speak for itself. That said, it should still be noted that: (1) overreach is not unusual amongst fringe elements of any cause and should not be hyped as collective Jewish will, let alone “Jewish conspiracy”, and in a way those in “mainstream” community who unthinkingly accede to such fringe voices’ demands are arguably casual antisemites themselves in assuming that Jewish people are monolithic in things like this; (2) overreach is less incomprehensible (even if still not acceptable) when one is responding in an environment where solidarity has been sorely lacking from those who would have normally spoken out if the bad conduct was directed at anyone other than Jews; and (3) those who consider language such as “by any means necessary”, “globalise the intifada” and the like not even to be overreach (let alone trying to argue that such phrases might have been understandable overreach) hardly have any moral standing to criticise overreach from certain Jewish voices. On the whole, therefore, perceptions of “Jewish conspiracies” are easily created not because of Jewish groups or communities, but because they are often left fighting alone and are stranded by those who one would normally have expected to speak out if non-Jews were not the target of instances of bad conduct.
Kevin Yam 任建峰 tweet media
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Arash Azizi آرش عزیزی
A truly remarkable piece by @MuhanadSeloom as to why the US-Israeli campaign against Iran IS achieving a central goal: Significant degrading of Iran's ability to project power beyond its borders. This point is lost amidst much of the political talk about the war. And by the way this is written by professor at a university in Qatar, published by Qatari-funded Al-Jazeera... which tells you just how deeply silly the whole 'Qataris are conduits for Iran' takes were and are and will be aljazeera.com/opinions/2026/…
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Babak Vahdad
Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad·
Iranian sources increasingly describe the emergence of a tight decision-making circle around Mojtaba Khamenei. The real question is therefore not simply who the new leader is, but which power structure is forming around him. - According to these accounts, any serious discussion of a full ceasefire would only begin when this inner circle concludes that Iran has reached a point of military exhaustion and that prolonging the war risks deepening the regime’s dilemma. - Sources also stress that portraying Mojtaba as a newcomer to decision-making is misleading. For years he was already involved in the internal decision process within the office of his father, Ali Khamenei, and developed extensive ties with the military leadership, especially within the IRGC. - Within this circle, Mohsen Rezaei stands out as a key figure. Appointed senior military adviser, the former IRGC commander embodies the revolutionary wartime generation. His role carries symbolic weight: Rezaei is remembered as one of the figures who advised Khomeini to accept the ceasefire with Iraq once Iranian forces reached exhaustion. - Another central pillar appears to be Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of parliament and former IRGC Air Force commander. With a background combining military credentials and political authority, Ghalibaf represents the bridge between battlefield dynamics and state institutions. - Alongside him is Ali Larijani, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council. While less associated with battlefield command, Larijani plays a visible role in strategic coordination and political messaging, linking military developments with broader state management. - The circle also includes other senior figures: Ahmad Vahidi, a long-time IRGC commander and former interior minister who once led the Quds Force; Rahim Safavi, veteran senior military adviser from the previous leadership era; and Ali Abdollahi, associated with operational command within the armed forces. Operational pillars of Iran’s deterrence strategy also appear inside this network: Majid Mousavi, linked to the IRGC missile program, and Alireza Tangsiri, commander of the IRGC Navy and therefore central to any strategy involving the Strait of Hormuz. - Despite heavy strikes, sources note that the Iranian system has so far avoided fragmentation at the top of its military and political hierarchy. The chain of command appears intact. - Taken together, this configuration suggests that the emerging power structure around Mojtaba Khamenei resembles less a traditional clerical court and more a compact wartime command circle dominated by security and IRGC veterans. The logic underpinning it appears clear: preserve regime cohesion, sustain deterrence, and ensure that any prolonged conflict imposes costs not only on Iran but on the wider region and global economic flows. At the same time, the presence of figures historically associated with strategic restraint , such as Rezaei and Larijani, indicates that this same circle could ultimately be the one tasked with recognizing the moment when continued escalation threatens regime stability, and when survival of the system may require a controlled step back rather than further confrontation. #Iran #Iranwar
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Maziar Bahari
Maziar Bahari@maziarbahari·
BREAKING: Israeli media report that Ali Larijani, one of the most powerful men in Iran was killed during an attack earlier today. This will create more chaos and confusion in Iran, and will be very good news for some of his rivals in the regime and in the IRGC, including those who support Khamenei 2.0. Read more about Larijani here: iranwire.com/en/features/15…
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Nazanin Afshin-Jam MacKay
Ladan Boroumand offers a very good and fair summary of the historical patterns and ideological dynamics in Iran’s struggle for freedom, bringing us to today and to the question of where we go from here in a transition to democracy. She highlights the genuine popular support behind Crown Prince @PahlaviReza while also gently cautioning that his team’s transition plan does not offer a separation or independence of judicial, executive, and legislative powers. Transitional leadership, especially in the early phase, should be built on strong checks and balances so that no single branch or individual holds unchecked authority. This point is not a criticism of the Prince himself, but a supportive suggestion aimed at strengthening any transition effort for the benefit of all Iranians. To strengthen the transition and ensure its success, it would be helpful to build on the current momentum with an even more pluralistic and inclusive transitional framework that reflects the voices and concerns of all segments of Iranian society. Establishing a broad transitional council can provide needed checks and balances, and help reassure Iranians who may feel politically homeless or sidelined and help provide confidence to our Western allies who have been encouraging this kind of broader coalition. I was pleased to see Prince Pahlavi’s announcement of a transitional justice committee, with Dr. Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Peace Laureate and respected human rights lawyer, appointed to lead it. Ebadi’s chairing of this effort is an important step toward addressing past injustices and building trust going forward. It would be encouraging to see collaboration between the transitional justice committee and other teams of judicial experts who have been working on transitional justice plans for years, some for over a decade, including Payam Akhavan, @LadiKhanom , @GissouNia, @vakilroaya , @RahaBahreini, @iranh, @shadisadr and @shamidartii among many others including in @Ali_Rahnama and Faraz Moghimi’s assembly of lawyers. Keeping judicial processes independent, while allowing flexible and inclusive participation in the legislative and executive transition phases, could help foster confidence across a wide range of Iranians. I also hope to see convenings in the coming days between Prince Pahlavi, the Iran Freedom Congress @if_congress, which includes ethnic leaders, diverse political representation, and representatives of civil rights activists inside Iran known as “the 17”, the 70 prominent figures in Iran with spokesperson @ShilanMirzaee, the leadership coalition of six Kurdish political parties, @Con_Dem_Fed_Rep and the newly announced @iranalternativ. Together, such an alliance could help co craft transitional plans and governance frameworks that represent all regions, communities, interested stakeholders, and generations of Iran. We all share the same goal: a stable, peaceful, and durable transition to democracy, leading to free and fair elections where the Iranian people, one person one vote, decide their own future.
Ladan Boroumand@LadiKhanom

My two cents in a rapidly changing situation: journalofdemocracy.org/online-exclusi…

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Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert
Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert@KMooreGilbert·
Very sound and sober analysis of potential outcomes to end this war
Ilan Goldenberg@ilangoldenberg

Three weeks into the war with Iran, a number of observations as someone who spent years war-gaming this scenario. 1. The U.S. and Israel may have produced regime transition in the worst possible way. Ali Khamenei was 86 and had survived multiple bouts of prostate cancer. His death in the coming years would likely have triggered a real internal reckoning in Iran, potentially opening the door to somewhat more pragmatic leadership, especially after the protests and crackdown last month. Instead, the regime made its most consequential decision under existential external threat giving the hardliners a clear upperhand. Now we appear to have a successor who is 30 years younger, deeply tied to the IRGC, and radicalized by the war itself – including the killing of family members. Disastrous. 2. About seven years ago at CNAS, I helped convene a group of security, energy, and economic experts to walk through scenarios for a U.S.--Iran war and the implications for global oil prices. What we’re seeing now was considered one of the least likely but worst outcomes. The modeling assumed the Strait of Hormuz could close for 4–10 weeks, with 1–3 years required to restore oil production once you factored in infrastructure damage. Prices could spike from around $65 to $175–$200 per barrel, before eventually settling in the $80–$100 range a year later in a new normal. 3. One surprising development: Iran is still moving oil through the Strait of Hormuz while disrupting everyone else. In most war games I participated in, we assumed Iran couldn’t close the Strait and still use it themselves. That would have made the move extremely self-defeating. But Iran appears capable of harassing global shipping while still pushing some of its own exports through. That changes the calculus. 4. The U.S. now finds itself in the naval and air equivalent of the dynamic we faced in Iraq and Afghanistan. It’s a recipe for a quagmire where we win every battle and lose the war. We have overwhelming military dominance and are exacting a tremendous cost. But Iran doesn’t need to win battles. They just need occasional successes. A small boat hitting a tanker. A drone slipping through defenses in the Gulf. A strike on a hotel or oil facility. Each incident creates insecurity and drives costs up while remind everyone that the regime is surviving and fighting. 5. The deeper problem is that U.S. objectives were set far too high. Once “regime change” becomes the implicit or explicit goal, the bar for American success becomes enormous. Iran’s bar is simple: survive and keep causing disruption. 6. The options for ending this war now are all bad. You can try to secure the entire Gulf and Middle East indefinitely – extremely expensive and maybe impossible. You can invade Iran and replace the regime, but nobody is seriously going to do that. Costs are astronomical. You can try to destabilize the regime by supporting separatist groups. It probably won’t work and if it does you’ll most likely spark a civil war producing years of bloody chaos the U.S. will get blamed for. None of these are good outcomes. 7. The other escalatory options being discussed are taking the nuclear material out of Esfahan or taking Kargh Island. Esfahan is not really workable. Huge risk. You’d have been on the ground for a LONG time to safely dig in and get the nuclear material out in the middle of the country giving Iran time to reinforce from all over and over run the American position. 8. Kharg Island can be appealing to Trump. He’d love to take Iran’s ability to export oil off the map and try to coerce them to end the war. It’s much easier because it’s not in the middle of IRan. But it’s still a potentially costly ground operation. And again. Again, the Iranian government only has to survive to win and they can probably do that even without Kargh. 9. The least bad option is the classic diplomatic off-ramp. The U.S. declares that Iran’s military capabilities have been significantly degraded, which is how the Pentagon always saw the purpose of the war. Iran declares victory for surviving and demonstrating it can still threaten regional actors. It would feel unsatisfying. But this is the inevitable outcome anyway. Better to stop now than after five or ten more years of escalating costs. Remember in Afghanistan we turned down a deal very early in the war with the Taliban that looked amazing 20 years later. Don’t need to repeat that kind of mistake. 10. The U.S. and Israel are not perfectly aligned here. Trump just needs a limited win and would see long-term instability as a negative whereas for Netanyahu a weak unstable Iran that bogs the U.S. down in the MIddle East is a fine outcome. If President Trump decided he wanted Israel to stop, he likely has the leverage to push it in that direction just as he pressured Netanyahu to take a deal last fall on Gaza. 11. When this is over, the Gulf states will have to rethink their entire security strategy. They are stuck in the absolute worst place. They didn’t start this war and didn’t want it and now they are taking with some of the worst consequences. Neither doubling down with the U.S. and Israel nor placating the Iranians seems overwhelmingly appealing. 12. One clear geopolitical winner so far: Russia. Oil prices are rising. Sanctions are coming off. Western attention and military resources are shifting away from Ukraine. From Moscow’s perspective, this war is a win win win. 13. At some point China may have a role to play here. It is the world’s largest oil importer, and much of that supply comes from the Middle East. Yes they are still getting oil from Iran. But they also buy from the rest of the Middle East, and a prolonged disruption in the Gulf hits Beijing hard. That gives China a real incentive to help push toward an end to the conflict.

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