Hello, PhD

Embrace your roots.

@Barmakf The Arabs weren't armed, funded and backed by the Byzantine Empire. Would Afghanistan exist had the British not toppled Kalakani, or the Americans rushing in to install Karzai-Ghani after assassinating Massoud. Persians of Khorasan are better off learning English.

پیشنهاد جدی به فارسی‌زبانان افغانستان: پشتو بیاموزید چرا آموختن پشتو می‌تواند ابزار شکستن ستم قبیله‌ای در افغانستان باشد تاریخ بارها نشان داده است که تحمیل یک زبان بر مردمی که زبان مادری‌شان نیست، الزاماً به تثبیت سلطه نمی‌انجامد؛ بلکه اغلب همان مردم را به ابزارهای فکری و زبانی مجهز می‌کند که در نهایت علیه قدرتِ تحمیل‌کننده به کار می‌رود. هنگامی که عرب‌ها زبان عربی را بر مردم خراسان تحمیل کردند، خراسانیان آن را آموختند، بر آن مسلط شدند و چند دهه بعد، همین توان زبانی را برای به چالش کشیدن سلطهٔ سیاسی عرب و بیرون راندن آنان از خراسان به کار گرفتند. عربی از ابزار سلطه به ابزار مقاومت تبدیل شد. در دوران استعمار، بریتانیا زبان انگلیسی را به‌عنوان زبان اداری و آموزشی بر هندوستان تحمیل کرد. اما یک قرن بعد، هندی‌ها با همان زبان، گفتمان ضداستعماری ساختند، سازمان‌دهی سیاسی کردند، با جهان ارتباط گرفتند و در نهایت استعمار بریتانیا را از شبه‌قاره بیرون راندند. این الگو محدود به این دو نمونه نیست: در شمال آفریقا، نخبگان الجزایر و تونس با استفاده از زبان فرانسوی، جنایات استعمار را افشا کردند و حمایت بین‌المللی علیه فرانسه بسیج نمودند. در آمریکای لاتین، مردمان بومی و کرئول‌ها زبان اسپانیایی را آموختند و با همان زبان، امپراتوری اسپانیا را فروپاشاندند و دولت‌های مستقل بنا کردند. در اروپای شرقی و آسیای مرکزی، تحمیل زبان روسی در دوران شوروی نسل‌هایی را پرورش داد که بعدها با همان زبان، استقلال‌طلبی را سازمان‌دهی کردند و از سلطهٔ مسکو خارج شدند. درس تاریخ روشن است: زبانی که برای سلطه تحمیل می‌شود، اغلب به ابزار رهایی تبدیل می‌گردد. تحمیل زبان، هویت را نابود نمی‌کند؛ بلکه آن را تیزتر، آگاه‌تر و مقاوم‌تر می‌سازد. زبان زنجیر نیست زیرا زبانی که آموخته شود، دیگر در مالکیتِ حاکم باقی نمی‌ماند. پس بیایید پشتو را بیاموزیم؛ نه برای تسلیم، بلکه برای آگاهی، افشا و مقاومت، و برای مبارزه با فرهنگ قبیله‌ای و ستم قومی.

The American CIA flies in both Karzai and Ghani in 2001, just as the British brought Nadir Shah after toppling Tajik Habibullāh Kalakāni. Without foreign backing and imposition there would be no such thing as Afghan Pashtun rule, even with worthless traitors like Saleh. Afghanistan itself exists only because foreign powers want it to exist, not due to organic local power.

No- they are not foreign‑imposed. They are Afghan/Pashtuns. Foreign powers may exploit them for short‑term advantage, but the real issue is Pashtun dominance—whether in the form of the Taliban, republicans, or other factions.  Outsiders strengthen, empower, or pit them against others depending on their own interests.   The Taliban are not new. As early as 1926 under Amanullah, they blocked women’s education, and a century later they continued the same practices.  This is a Pashtun‑grown phenomenon, effective because Pashtuns dominate the Afghan state and act as gatekeepers to other ethnic groups.   Yes, one could argue Pakistan has a strong establishment, which is why the Taliban have not taken over there. But in Afghanistan, Pashtuns themselves monopolize power as the de facto establishment, leaving minorities with only the scraps.   In 2021, neither the #US nor Pakistan imposed the Taliban. Afghan republicans surrendered power without resistance, even disarming a standing army in front of the Taliban—because Pashtuns did not want to fight fellow Pashtuns. Tajiks were represented by non-entities  Amrullah Saleh, Bismillah etc who without firing a shot fled like cowards.  No foreigner was ever going to fight on behalf of non‑Pashtuns nor is obliged to take care of their interests. Unless non‑Pashtun forces break this ethnic structure and dismantle their (Pashtuns) gatekeeper status, non-Afghans will continue blaming foreigners instead of confronting the internal imbalance and their shortcomings despite the claim of being majority population of Afghansitan-which is a fact though.

Why should Pakistan and Pakistanis be my enemy. The nation of Pakistan and its people have shown nothing but respect and admiration for the Persian language and heritage. Persian is embraced in Pakistan with open arms, while in Afghanistan the primitive and barbaric Afghans dream of erasing this ancient civilization. The true enemy of Tajiks is the Afghaniat identity and ideology that attempts to erase the Persian heritage of Khorasan. Tajiks and Pakistanis know who our common enemy is.

Pakistani 🇵🇰 professor of Persian literature, Dr. Uzma Z. Nazia of the University of the Punjab, speaks about her experience meeting little Agha Joya Jan from Kabul and the deep influence of Persian poetry on her culture. Dr. Nazia speaks Persian like a native speaker.

The Tajiks gave a million dead during the fight against Soviet in the 80s, most of northern and western afg which bore the front of the war was left in ruins. Finally when the war was over and the Tajiks were victorious, they established an Islamic government (not like Talibans tribal ethnocentric system) which was multi ethnic and according to sharia. However it was these Pashtuns, first gulbudin and secondly the Taliban, who waged a pointless unholy war which in Islam is called baghawat. This pointless unholy war caused further bloodshed and lives of 100s of 1000s innocent lives and caused further damaged the already war torn country. This war left the Tajiks weakened and tired, many had been fighting for 20-30 years of their lives at this point, and unlike the Pashtuns the Tajiks didn’t have a friendly neighbour to let them use their soil to regroup, rearm and attack again. Pakistan had given them this privilege (now they want to fight Pakistan), which many Pakistanis have realised was a big mistake on their behalf. And let’s not forget that during the American occupation only two groups had the freedom to operate inside Afghanistan/khorasan. One was their puppet regime and the other was Taliban. Americans never called the Taliban terrorists, rather as opposition or unhappy brothers. On the contrary they were calling the Tajik mujahideen as “warlords” and many of these great men were assasinated by “unknown gunmen” during the puppet republic. Saying that still many brave Tajik youth rose their voices and protested against the puppet Ghani/karzai and their American overlords, a lot of them were assassinated or met suicide bombers during protests, while the big American bases in qandahar and Helmand were left untouched. The soviets couldn’t even dream about opening a big base in the north during the 90s, casualty statistics of both wars will provide more on this.

How can Pakistan, or the region at large, ever see peace, when next door is ruled by such a mental illness. How can the 40 million hostages ever see peace, when the only criteria of the foreign-imposed Afghan Pashtun puppet rulers is "the national name and identity must be Afghan". The good news is that this issue, as the root cause to our region's existential problems, is being brought up, and the foreign-sponsored Afghan Pashtun minority are having to expose their true face. This primitive and monolithic face that leaves no room for anything civilized.

Keep your tribal identity and fake history to yourself.

پیام به فرزندان ایران از تاشقرغان تا تبریز

The Taliban are Afghan nationalists that follow the Afghanization/Pashtunization policies of all the previous Afghan puppet regimes. The Taliban, warlord Amanullah, warlord Najeeb, and all the others, differ in their approach, but have the same end goal. Nowruz being an ancient celebration of the native inhabitants, worries the Afghans who see Nowruz as a threat to their control over the land and native majority. This Taliban hatred of the native Persian language and the Iranian culture of the nation exposes them as enemies of the people. Once their foreign-backers are expelled from the region, the Taliban will collapse, and justice will be restored.

It’s striking how Afghan/Pashtun rulers of Afghanistan have hijacked the history of non-Pashtun heroes. Here’s one example they’ve tried to erase: Ghazi Mir Bacha Khan Kahdamani. He was a fearless leader from the mountain regions of today’s #Kapisa and #Parwan—not tied to any royal court or foreign power. In the late 1800s, during the Second Anglo-Khorasan War (1878–1880), he led a grassroots resistance against British forces advancing toward Kabul. Mir Bacha Khan organized and led local fighters from the mountains, Panjshir, and surrounding areas. He wasn’t a conventional army general—he led a people’s war**. His resistance: - Inflicted heavy losses on British troops and their allies - Cut off British supply lines north of Kabul - Prevented full British control in the mountain regions - Created constant insecurity for the occupiers His success made him a threat—not just to the British, but to the Afghan rulers who had aligned with them. He was independent, popular, and refused to bow to colonial powers or the court. That’s why he was targeted. According to credible historical accounts, **he wasn’t killed by the British—but by forces loyal to Amir Abdul Rahman Khan**, who saw him as a political threat. He was arrested and executed in Kabul to crush the spirit of resistance. Mir Bacha Khan’s story is one of courage, betrayal, and erasure. He was a true hero of the people—yet because he didn’t fit the official narrative, his legacy was buried or reduced to a footnote. If he had lived, the official version of Afghan history would have been very different. And that’s exactly why they tried to erase him.

The same Afghan Pashtun cope keeps coming up Here is the answer x.com/i/status/17509…

If Pashtuns/Afghans in Afghanistan were anywhere near a majority, or even plurality, they would have conducted at least a single census in the 144 years that foreign powers kept them in power as warlords and dictator puppets. Pashtuns are 18-20%, while Tajiks are 47-56% of Afghanistan. This disparity deeply unsettles Afghanist Pashtuns that understand their barbaric foreign gifted hegemony is under constant threat of collapse. The collapse of Afghanism and the removal of the British-imposed name "Afghanistan" is inevitable. At every opportunity to do the right thing, Afghan Pashtuns have done the worst crimes imaginable, and they continue to do so.

Kabul is a Persian city, always has been and will remain so. Lying and deceit by the Afghan nationalist Taliban will not succeed.

The blatant crimes of the Afghaniat Pashtun regimes make it easy for the people to restore every single Persian name that was Pashtunized. Every single Pashto imposition will be removed, and the original Persian will be restored. Liberation from Afghaniat is our destiny.

Islam is not under threat in Afghanistan, the Persian language and the 80% Tajik Uzbek Hazara majority is. The Taliban are following the same policies as previous communist and non-Islamic regimes. The Taliban enforce linguistic and ethnic genocide and apartheid, not gender apartheid. The gender apartheid is just a byproduct of their practice of Pashtunwali. They impose that form of gender discrimination onto Pashtun women too. Hopefully the men who see themselves as leaders of movements learn from these activists, and begin to tackle the actual Taliban agenda.

@tariq_basir Interesting perspective. I will just add my two cents as a post-ideological pragmatist Pakistani Pashtun. The "Pashtunwali code" has regressive pillars. The first is "badal" (revenge), which creates hate and generates enemies that must be pursued for generations. The dispute resolution mechanism is archaic and tribalistic—a male-led system suited to mountainous regions, with no modern state structure overseeing it.  The status of women is particularly problematic: she is treated as second-class, a symbol of honour, with her thoughts and body subject to pardah (seclusion), and she receives no fair share of inheritance. As a political system, it is unstable, often marked by brothers conspiring to succeed an ancestor. It lacks mechanisms for intergenerational wealth transfer (no concept of corporate entities—this is why there are no Warren Buffetts among Pashtuns). Business remains family-oriented and equally distributed among male heirs after the death of the first generation, resulting in fragmented small holdings. Consequently, business acumen remains at a subsistence level. The Pashtunwali code works to create an enemy hierarchy: enemies outside the tribe; enemies outside the sub-branch; enemies outside the family; and a preference for male sons, even in competition with brothers. However, this has been moderated in Pakistan, where tribal social and economic ethos have progressed toward a more town- and village-based kaliwali (settled) social system, which is somewhat more progressive than pure tribalism. Afghan Pashtuns remain purely tribalistic, as do those in the border regions of Pakistan (e.g., Waziristan to Chaman). But Pashtuns in the Peshawar Valley (Peshawar, Mardan, Charsadda) and in cities like Karachi and Quetta are more progressive than tribalistic. They have undergone a process of "Pakistanization": exposure to civil structures, judicial systems, health, education, and other areas organized around official bureaucracy both civilian and military permanantly . Political life is organized around democratic votes and peaceful transfer of power rather than guns. Their gun-toting culture—from Khushal Khan Khattak to the soldiers of Ahmad Shah Durrani (they had soldiers from later day Pakistan pashtun and Baloch area as well)—was later moderated and diluted by British colonial structures.  Then came the soft power of Bacha Khan in KP, who established over 120 schools in the 1920s along with vocational training centres for skill-building (e.g., cloth stitching). His message was: leave the gun, adopt education and entrepreneurship. This, combined with Pakistanization, has uplifted them toward a more modern cultural Pashtun identity. Afghanistan never had colonial statecraft to impose structures. The tribal "Pashtunwali code" was meant to govern mountainous lives rather than organize a state encompassing multiple communities.  Out of Afghanistan, all the statecraft associated with later Afghan/Pashtun dynasties was not a product of the Afghanistan region itself; rather, it drew from the already developed subcontinental culture and statecraft from Lahore to #Delhi to Calcutta. Afghanistan never developed a civil bureaucracy (afsarshahi) that could help evolve and organize various community aspects, like the British legacy in Pakistan and India. So, attempts were made to adapt the Pashtunwali code to organize state structures—which never fully succeeded. Repeated expeditions into far-off lands for power and plunder distracted them from developing their own territory into a cohesive state, as achieved by the Turks/Ottomans, the Tsars (Russians), the Iranians/Persians, the Mughals, or the British in India. Though they the Pashtun rulers visited all capitals of these regions in 20th century. @Jan_Achakzai

پرچم جمهوری جعلی همان نشانِ بود که به طالبان اجازه داد تا در سرزمین ما جای پای پیدا کنند. هر تاجیکِ که این پرچم را بلند می‌کند - پرچم که طالب را بر مردم ما ترجیح می‌دهد - یا ساده‌لوح است، یا ترسو، یا دشمن

🔵 چرا پاکستان و جهان بیرونی باید این منطق را درک کنند؟ 🟤 📌 دو قبیله نمی‌توانند در کنار هم زندگی کنند. در سطح عمومی، سیاست‌گذاری و سیاسی، ما یکدیگر را نمی‌کشیم. 📌 اما آن‌ها می‌کشند، سرزمین‌ها را اشغال می‌کنند، آزادی‌ها و حتی حریم شخصی را سلب می‌کنند. 📌 فرهنگ‌های فروپاشیده و ذهنیت‌های قبیله‌گرا هرگز به دولت-ملت یا وفاداری نخستین اولویت نمی‌دهند—even زمانی که شهروند آن کشور باشند. 📌 یک نمونه‌اش زلمی خلیل‌زاد است: با اینکه شهروند آمریکاست، اما هنوز اسیر ریشه‌های قبیله‌ای خود است و به‌جای پذیرش آگاهانه خانه جدیدش—یعنی آمریکا—در همان ذهنیت مانده است. 📌 همین موضوع در مورد مهاجران افغان/پشتون در پاکستان یا غرب نیز صدق می‌کند: آن‌ها ذهناً در افغانستان زندگی می‌کنند، جدا از واقعیت‌های فیزیکی اطرافشان. 📌 افغان-پشتون‌ها راه همزیستی و هرگونه اصلاح را گم کرده‌اند، چرا که تنها یک رفتار از خود نشان می‌دهند: سلطه‌طلبی. 📌 از تجربه‌های قبیله‌ای تا رژیم‌های کمونیستی گذشته و حتی غازی امان‌الله به‌اصطلاح مترقی در سال ۱۹۱۹—همه در همین مسیر بوده‌اند. 📌 این طرز فکر افغانستان را نابود کرده و هیچ شانسی برای اصلاح جامعه یا زندگی مسالمت‌آمیز با دیگران باقی نگذاشته است. 📌 فرافکنی ضعف‌های خود، روایتی‌ست که از نسلی به نسل دیگر منتقل می‌کنند. 📌 به پاکستان جوان نگاه کنید که در سال ۱۹۴۷ آزاد شد—امروز یک قدرت هسته‌ای است. 📌 و افغانستان قبیله‌گرا و فروپاشیده، هنوز در عصر حجر به‌سر می‌برد. آیا پاکستان و جهان باید این منطق را درک کنند؟ بله. 📌 افغان/پشتون‌ها باید منزوی شوند، چرا که نه به همزیستی با غیرپشتون‌های خود باور دارند و نه با جهان بیرون. آن‌ها باید با سرعت و مسیر خود تکامل یابند. 📌 دیگران نمی‌توانند منتظر بمانند تا آن‌ها به سطح توسعه برسند. حتی خویشاوندان قومی‌شان، یعنی پشتون‌های پاکستانی، آن‌ها را پشت سر گذاشته‌اند—حداقل ۵۰ سال جلوتر در تکامل سیاسی و اجتماعی. 📌 بنابراین، نخبگان افغان/پشتون باید ذهنیت، توهمات و جامعه خود را اصلاح کنند و بیاموزند که چگونه با دیگر جوامع زندگی کنند.

Khalilzad doesn't need a title or position. He is the one the American deep state turn to when they need to liaise with Afghan nationalist regimes such as the Taliban. The people that give him authority are the people that maintain American tax dollars to the Taliban despite total opposition by American patriots in the government.

@Sher1389361Sher May they prosper and live happily in Pakistan.

Tajiks of Pakistan