
Citizen
3.9K posts





@Markosonke1 People need to start asking questions about who is behind her campaign and where is the money coming from….while the vast majority of mobs will mindlessly go where they’re led, the agitators strategise because they have an objective - Thats where the money goes…


Ghanaians are searching for illegal South Africans in Ghana....we encourage Nigerians Congolese and Zimbabweans to do the same!!


Indian billionaire's son offers to save 80 of Pablo Escobar’s ‘cocaine hippos’ from Colombian cull

We have not been fighting Zanupf for decades rather we were rallying behind a personality not an idea. Morgan come and broke the fear in between as he got ill, @PastorEvanLive come and we rallied behind him, awaiting for him to act. 2018 Nelson Chamisa come and we were behind him. We already have some that believe Chiwenga will be the saviour, BIG MISTAKE. We have been putting a person ahead and once that figure is gone the struggle experienced death. We need to fight Zanupf as a unit with institutional belief. We totally disagree that Zanupf has been fought for decades. It does not have the power to stop a force of thousands on the streets. Zimbabweans are not cowards they do have the ability to restore Zimbabwe. If you and I go out, Zanupf will die within seconds, it's not as invisible as you are made to believe. #FightZanuPF #NotoCAB3

WATCH | An unidentified individual recorded a video showing T-shirts printed with Vice President Chiwenga’s face and the words “Chiwenga must go.” In the video, he appears to be reporting back to the person who ordered the T-shirts, confirming that the job is done and requesting payment. There are claims that a faction within ZANU-PF is unhappy with Vice President Chiwenga and is pushing for his removal through a protest.



HEZEKIA HAANA KUKUMBIRA MAKORE EKUTONGA ASI EKURARAMA Hon Garwe today





UPDATE: Graphic: *The scene Reports say the victims are Ethiopian nationals. One fatally confirmed. Police are the scene at this hour.







Patrick Chinamasa ZiMutengesi hohonwa! Munhu wehutengesi anosvika parufu angove munhu wehutengesi! From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe you remain a SELLOUT!! 🚮🚮🚮 Abasha Vatengesi !! #NoTo2030!!!

Julius Malema wisdom will kill you one day 🔥🔥




Debunking a Persistent and Dangerous Myth: Zimbabwe’s Constitution Contains Only One Presidential Term Limit Provision: In the intense public debate over the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, an utterly false claim is being repeated relentlessly and without a single shred of evidence: that the Constitution contains two separate presidential term limit provisions—sections 91(2) and 95(2)(b). This assertion is not merely incorrect; it is constitutionally impossible. No constitution anywhere in the world has ever created two distinct term limit provisions for the presidency. Section 95(2)(b) is not—and, according to the Constitution’s own crystal-clear definition in section 328(1), read with section 328(7), cannot possibly be—a term limit provision. A genuine presidential term limit provision restricts the total or maximum length of time any individual may hold or occupy the Office of President. Section 95(2)(b) does nothing of the sort. It simply defines the length of each presidential term as five years, running coterminous with the life of Parliament. In straightforward language, section 95(2)(b) regulates the office itself, not the person who holds it, and says absolutely nothing about how many terms or the length of time any one individual may serve. The Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013) contains only one term limit provision: Section 91(2). This clause is unequivocal and ironclad. It prohibits any person from serving more than two terms as President, with the vital safeguard that three or more years in office counts as a full term. It is only this single provision—and this provision alone—that actually limits the total time any individual can occupy the highest office in the land. Nothing illuminates this fundamental distinction more powerfully than comparative constitutional analysis—the gold standard for both public education and responsible policymaking. As the ancient wisdom has it, there is truly nothing new under the sun. A careful examination of proven global practice, vividly illustrated in the attached infographics, reveals three clear and time-tested approaches that nations around the world have taken when designing presidential term rules: Case 1 – Term length only (unlimited re-election permitted) Constitutions in this category have a single provision that simply defines the length of each presidential term, leaving the number of terms entirely open. This constitutional model operated successfully for decades—for example—in Botswana (31 years, 1966–1997), the United States (163 years, 1789–1951), and Zimbabwe itself (23 years, 1987–2013). Case 2 – Two separate provisions Here constitutions have two separate provisions: one that sets the length of each presidential term; and a second, entirely distinct clause that limits the total time any person may serve as President. This is precisely the framework that has—for example—operated in Botswana since 1997, South Africa since 1996, the United States since 1951, and Zimbabwe since 2013. The first infographic displays this clear separation of the two provisions across all the four countries. Case 3 – Combined in one elegant clause Constitutions in this category have a single constitutional provision that seamlessly merges both term limit concepts—defining term length while simultaneously imposing the limit. This approach has—for example— stood the test of time in Argentina (since 1994), Chile (since 1980), France (since 1958), Mexico (since 1917), the Philippines (since 1987), and South Korea (since 1987), as shown in the second infographic. The historical record is especially telling. Botswana introduced its separate term limit provision only after 31 years of independence, the United States after 163 years, and Zimbabwe after more than two decades of operating under a pure term-length provision. South Africa, by contrast, enshrined both provisions, separately, from the very first day of its democratic Constitution in 1996. These facts drive home an irrefutable truth: a provision that merely defines the length of a term has never been—and can never be—a term limit provision. The distinction is not a technicality; it is the bedrock of constitutional integrity. Recognising it clearly ensures that public discourse and debate on constitutional amendments is anchored in facts, logic, and proven international best practice, rather than convenient fiction to advance nefarious political agendas. Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans deserve nothing less!











