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Citizen

@Mujona

The voter

Harare, Zimbabwe Katılım Ocak 2011
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Bongani Mabhena
Bongani Mabhena@BongzM7·
@Minafirenze @Markosonke1 She might be funded by the same people who are funding social media mobs that keep vilifying South Africans & calling them xenophobes, lazy, white slaves etc. Because the insults fly around inspite of the fact that 99% of South Africans are not marching with anyone.
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In A Nutshell🥜
In A Nutshell🥜@Markosonke1·
🚨JUST IN: Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma went on Podcast & Chill and basically said African unity is not on the menu… in fact, "to hell with unity" 😭 Apparently the new strategy is: forget unity, we’re here to "clean the country".. So now we’ve moved from Pan-Africanism to spring cleaning? Must we bring mops and detergents to the revolution as well? Because the way this she is sounding, it’s less "let’s build together" and more "everyone must submit their documents at the door" 😩 One minute we’re talking about working as a continent, next minute it’s: "Unity? Not today, remove our country." 😭
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Citizen@Mujona·
That is actually a mstter of national secutity. The attack however is directed at EFF
Mary Arinze@Minafirenze

@Markosonke1 People need to start asking questions about who is behind her campaign and where is the money coming from….while the vast majority of mobs will mindlessly go where they’re led, the agitators strategise because they have an objective - Thats where the money goes…

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Citizen@Mujona·
@ChiefMabutho @lavidaNOTA Her brothers used to visit in the 90s. They tried to go back with her to hammerscraal she refused. She is old now but l am still gping to report
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Citizen@Mujona·
@anishmoonka Open a Dinner that sell Hippo meat. Wisper the word that Hippo meat cures erectical disfunction. Within a year CITES will declare the colombian Hippo an endangered species
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Anish Moonka
Anish Moonka@anishmoonka·
Colombia has 200 wild hippos right now. They all came from 4 that Pablo Escobar smuggled in for his private zoo in 1981. Three females, one male. After he was killed in 1993, officials left the hippos behind. They escaped into the river. That was 45 years ago. 16 hippos by 2007. 40 by 2014. 120 by 2019. Around 200 today. Colombia is the only country outside Africa with wild hippos. And these hippos hit breeding age earlier than African ones, so they multiply faster. Each one eats 110 lbs of plants a night. They also dump 13 lbs of waste a day, almost all of it into the water. The waste feeds tiny organisms that suck the oxygen out and kill fish. It's pushing out 3 native species running out of space: the West Indian manatee, the Dahl's toad-headed turtle, and the Magdalena River turtle. Colombia spent 12 years across 3 governments trying to sterilize the hippos. It didn't work. Sterilizing one hippo needs a crane. The surgery is dangerous for the vets. A 2023 study said it would cost $1 to $2 million just to slow the breeding, and even then hippos would still be around for another 50 to 100 years. The government asked 7 countries and 2 international zoo groups to take some. Zero said yes. Then Anant Ambani made his offer. He runs Vantara, a 3,500-acre wildlife center in Gujarat that holds 47,000+ animals (200+ elephants, 160 tigers, 200 lions, 900 crocodiles). His proposal: take the 80 hippos Colombia plans to cull, fly them to India, cover their care for life. But the math has a catch. The cull was for 80 of the estimated 200. If Vantara takes those 80 alive instead of dead, it's a humane trade. The other 120 stay in the river. They breed faster than African hippos. The original 4 became 200 in 45 years.
non aesthetic things@PicturesFoIder

Indian billionaire's son offers to save 80 of Pablo Escobar’s ‘cocaine hippos’ from Colombian cull

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𝑲𝒖𝒅𝒛𝒂𝒊 𝑴𝒖𝒕𝒊𝒔𝒊
No one stopped from fighting ZANU PF… You are just UNPOPULAR & with ZERO political clout… ZANU PF is huge & popular… President @edmnangagwa has a SOLID relationship with the people of Zimbabwe, u won’t win. ✅Inflation at record LOWS ✅No loadshedding ✅Service delivery improving even in opposition run councils. ✅Unprecedented Infrastructure Development ✅Household incomes improving ✅Economic Growth very high ✅Exchange rate very stable… No one will waste time fighting a DELIVERING GOVT, no one!
Team Pachedu@PacheduZW

We have not been fighting Zanupf for decades rather we were rallying behind a personality not an idea. Morgan come and broke the fear in between as he got ill, @PastorEvanLive come and we rallied behind him, awaiting for him to act. 2018 Nelson Chamisa come and we were behind him. We already have some that believe Chiwenga will be the saviour, BIG MISTAKE. We have been putting a person ahead and once that figure is gone the struggle experienced death. We need to fight Zanupf as a unit with institutional belief. We totally disagree that Zanupf has been fought for decades. It does not have the power to stop a force of thousands on the streets. Zimbabweans are not cowards they do have the ability to restore Zimbabwe. If you and I go out, Zanupf will die within seconds, it's not as invisible as you are made to believe. #FightZanuPF #NotoCAB3

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Sabhuku Temba P. Mliswa
Sabhuku Temba P. Mliswa@TembaMliswa·
This is a poorly thought drama and I would bet my last dollar kuti zvisaga izvo hazvina kana maT-shirt pamwe mutori nezvidhende. 😂 Zamai zvimwe @LynneStactia That's why I have argued that the most dangerous people are those trying to pressure the VP into actions contrary to those of the party and his fellow comrades. Not us who merely tell him when he makes a wrong turn.
𝐂𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡 𝐙𝐖@CrimeWatchZW

WATCH | An unidentified individual recorded a video showing T-shirts printed with Vice President Chiwenga’s face and the words “Chiwenga must go.” In the video, he appears to be reporting back to the person who ordered the T-shirts, confirming that the job is done and requesting payment. There are claims that a faction within ZANU-PF is unhappy with Vice President Chiwenga and is pushing for his removal through a protest.

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Citizen@Mujona·
@fero_kudakwashe @mawarirej Zanupf people and funny arguements . Its not term limits its a term cycle. Now you want to spin the bible
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Kudakwashe Fero
Kudakwashe Fero@fero_kudakwashe·
@mawarirej Dofo ndiwe mazuva zvese ,hezekia haana kumbonz ukubva paumambo asi rufu ndorwaimubvisa.akakumbira upenyu ,verenga bhaibheri zvakanaka
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Potifah Zvombo
Potifah Zvombo@Potifahzvombo1·
@adv_fulcrum We're not Prophets so we can't predict the future. As of now let's focus more on 2030 and let Mnangagwa finish his term with an extension of 2 more years
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Thabani Mpofu
Thabani Mpofu@adv_fulcrum·
What if it’s 2033? They may have settled for 2033. This is how it would pan out. ED’s hangers on insist that any period shorter than three years does not count as a full term and they have continuously made this their starting point in their public discourse. It may therefore be that they are racing to have CAB3 signed into law before ED’s 2023 term reaches its three years. That way, they will argue that ED has not served a second term—at least by the time the new law comes into force. If CAB3 is enacted, Parliament would promptly elect ED to a seven‑year term that would run as his second term until 2033. Keep your eyes on 2033. If CAB3 becomes law before September 2026, this is the danger we could all face. This must concern everyone. ZANU PF supporters would have been sold a ruse should that course be adopted. Zimbabweans would have been deeply disrespected, saka muchaita sei style. By every lawful means available, we must stop this unfolding madness. First price, we stop the amendment. In the event we can’t do that, we stop them from amending prior to September 2026. We can’t eat this.
Thabani Mpofu tweet media
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Citizen@Mujona·
@cozwva He has run his course ngaanyare mdhara uyu
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COZWVA
COZWVA@cozwva·
Literally, he hears & follows all the noise. Then strategically pretend as if nothing is happening. Underrate the crocodile🐊 at your own peril. He will never attack or response publicly. Once u book a match with him, be guaranteed to get a strong response 6 or more months later
COZWVA tweet media
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Jones Musara
Jones Musara@JonesMusara·
Judicial News: Meanwhile, as per Section 186(7), Chief Justice Malaba may continue to sit as a Judge after reaching mandatory retirement age on May 14 2026 for the purposes of dealing with any proceedings commenced before he reaches the retirement age. The legal question becomes: if he continues to sit as a Judge does that exclude not as Chief Justice or it includes being Chief Justice? With regard to CAB3, there is legal possibility that he maybe on the judicial bench/panel to hear CAB3 court applications made before May 14 2026. In any event, is it not good cause that such important cases like CAB3 be heard by a panel that includes the most experienced head of the Judiciary, the Chief Justice Malaba than to have a new Chief Justice who will be still learning the ropes of being CJ? As to who is the next CJ, we await the President’s decision. We trust the wisdom of the President. He knows better. EDNumber1 kulaw futi. Who knows, there might be some dark horse.
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Citizen@Mujona·
@RbrtPhiri @daddyhope These African dictators will kill people without shame. Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique. People died there and the dictators club just laughed it off.
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Robert Xulu
Robert Xulu@RbrtPhiri·
@daddyhope We have said it over and over Zimbabweans, organise & protest No police or army can defeat its citizens. And no one is coming to save you. You have to fight. Others will be killed. That is the price of freedom.
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Hopewell Chin’ono
Hopewell Chin’ono@daddyhope·
President Emmerson Mnangagwa wants to extend his term of office from 2028 to 2030. His term is supposed to end in 2028, and under Zimbabwe’s Constitution he cannot run again after serving for ten years. He wants to serve for 12 years and probably die in office if he can. If it is to have any legitimacy, he must go to the people and make his case, then subject it to a referendum. Citizens must be allowed to debate it openly, in public meetings and through submissions to Parliament. Those in favour of extending the term of office, removing the direct election of the president by the people and handing that power to Parliament, and pushing through the many other changes contained in Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, are free to campaign and make their case. But the tragedy is that those opposed are being stopped. The government, using the police, is blocking dissent. As you can see from the latest notice banning the Constitutional Defence Forum from meeting in Mutare, there is no level playing field. The CDF leader and convenor, Tendai Biti, was arrested in Mutare a few weeks ago and is on bail for doing exactly what ZANUPF is freely allowed to do everyday. The president must understand this. The moment you silence the opposing side, you destroy the legitimacy of the entire process and make the law discredited. Whatever comes out of it becomes contestable and illegitimate. If he had allowed those against his amendments to engage freely, as his supporters are doing, he could at least claim fairness. Right now, he cannot, the behavior by his supporters and state security institutions barring those opposed have made the whole process contestable by those not only opposed from outside ZANUPF, but those inside too who disagree with it. The second issue is the constitutional prescription of a referendum. The president does not want one, yet the Constitution requires it. That matter is before the courts, and the courts will determine it. But the principle is simple, you cannot rewrite the rules of the game while blocking the other side from speaking, and bending the constitution by removing the referendum. More dangerously, by shutting down dissent, he is creating a pretext, a plausible excuse. If, by any chance, elements within the military decide to intervene, he has handed them an argument. They can legitimately say they stepped in because the constitutional process was being manipulated, because citizens were denied their right to participate, because debate was suppressed, and because a referendum has been blocked. He is opening that door himself. The third reality is uncomfortable but true, and must be said and ventilated. Mnangagwa is going to push these amendments through by any means necessary. The opposition, as it stands, is weak, fragmented, and in many cases compromised. It is not in a position to stop him. The only person with real leverage inside the system is Vice President General Constantine Chiwenga. If Chiwenga does not act, then these amendments are effectively done. The only institution with the capacity to halt this process is the military. If it does nothing, then the outcome is predetermined. There is no point sugarcoating this. We must tell the truth so that when history is written, it reflects what actually happened, how it happened, and why it happened. Even if Chiwenga were to succeed in stopping Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe would still remain under ZANUPF. It would simply be a shift from one faction to another, from Mnangagwa’s faction to Chiwenga’s faction. There is no credible opposition alternative at present. So the reality is as citizens, we have been left with only one alternative, choose which ZANUPF faction is palatable. We have seen this before. In 2017, during the coup, the opposition as a political institution aligned themselves with the military intervention that removed former president Robert Mugabe. Those who opposed it, like Tendai Biti and Dr Alex Magaisa, had no viable alternative to rally behind because the opposition leadership itself supported the military coup process. Urban populations were mobilised into the streets by the official opposition, their safety guaranteed by the military, because there was a shared objective. Once that objective was achieved, the system reset to its default, anti-democratic state. If Mnangagwa succeeds now, the consequences will be long-term. The opposition, as we know it, will be effectively obliterated. Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 removes the direct election of the president by the people and shifts that power to Parliament. At the same time, it weakens key institutions, including those responsible for delimiting constituency boundaries. The result doesn’t need a rocket scientist, it is predictable. Areas where ZANUPF has support will gain more seats, and areas where the opposition has support will be diluted. We are then no longer talking about 2028. If the amendment passes, there will be no election in 2028. We are talking about 2030 and beyond, with power effectively secured for a generation unless something extraordinary happens. That is the reality of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3. Anything else is denial, deception, or comfort talk. The public has a right to know the truth, and to understand why certain things are happening. There is an unspoken reality in this debate, an ethnic dimension. Some people are quietly supporting this process because they believe it favours those from their own ethnic group. Others are opposing it because they see it as an ethnic project. This cuts across not just ZANUPF, but the opposition as well. I have spoken to former opposition leaders who openly say they will support the amendment because Mnangagwa comes from their ethnic group and it keeps power within that group. Others say they oppose it because it represents ethnic hegemony. These arguments are absurd and deeply regressive, but they are real. And if you ignore them, you fail to understand why certain people are silent, why some are not campaigning publicly, and why others are more vocal than the rest. This is the unfortunate reality in Zimbabwe. In 2026, in a world of AI, technological breakthroughs, and high-speed trains, we are still trapped in primitive ethnic calculations. It is embarrassing, but it is the truth, and it must be confronted without sugarcoating it. Let me end by being clear. If General Constantine Chiwenga does nothing, and if the military does nothing, then President Emmerson Mnangagwa will remain in power until 2030, and possibly beyond. And the opposition, as we have known it over the past two decades, will effectively cease to exist. Zimbabweans must understand this reality because it shapes the choices you will make about your future. The political direction of the next four years will determine how you position your life, your family, and your livelihood. So I will say it again. If Chiwenga does not intervene, and if the military does not act, it is a done deal. Mnangagwa will push through Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3. And once that happens, meaningful opposition will disappear. What will remain are token MPs from a few urban areas, but no real opposition. Even urban councils, which have largely been in opposition hands for two decades, will be taken. What you are witnessing is Zimbabwe coming full circle into a system where outcomes are predetermined, where elections are a formality, and where analysis becomes redundant because the script is already written. If General Constantine Chiwenga does not act, and if the military does not act, and this Constitutional Amendment Bill is passed, that is the end of Chiwenga’s path to the presidency. He will not become president unless he or the military moves to stop this bill. The two are inseparable, they work hand in glove. If that does not happen, then forget about a Chiwenga presidency. Power will remain within Mnangagwa’s camp, and after him, it will simply pass to someone else from his faction. Mark these words. If this amendment becomes law, General Constantine Chiwenga will be relieved of his duties, what we call in journalism, he will be fired. That will be the end of his political career. That is where we are going. Good weekend. Enjoy the sun if you are in England, enjoy the long weekend if you are in South Africa. If you are in Zimbabwe, do what you have to do, the days ahead are dark and life will be economically brutal. Prepare yourself and your family, because the road ahead will not be easy.
Hopewell Chin’ono tweet media
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𝑲𝒖𝒅𝒛𝒂𝒊 𝑴𝒖𝒕𝒊𝒔𝒊
Instead of making arguments against what he said, you resort to insults… In many ways, that has been the default response of the TINY MINORITY opposition the BEAUTIFUL BILL… @TrevorNcube insulted ZANU PF & ZANU PF… @mawarirej is all over the place… @DougColtart has been fishing for statements from obscure foreign organisations… @BitiTendai & @freemanchari’s CDF members have been handing petitions to little “lords” in Britain…. CAB3 is a done deal because it is backed by SOLID INTELLECTUALS & smart politicians…. Political thuggery has never prevailed anywhere in the world, you need smart people on your side
LynneM 💕💝💎@LynneStactia

Patrick Chinamasa ZiMutengesi hohonwa! Munhu wehutengesi anosvika parufu angove munhu wehutengesi! From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe you remain a SELLOUT!! 🚮🚮🚮 Abasha Vatengesi !! #NoTo2030!!!

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Citizen@Mujona·
@nickmangwana Everything in zim is on borrowed time and temporary. Anything can change anytime. The current gvt can be couped tommorrow. The currency can change anytime. That farm you call yours can be gone in the morning.
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Nick Mangwana
Nick Mangwana@nickmangwana·
“MINES and Mining Development Minister Dr Polite Kambamura has issued a stern warning to individuals acting as proxies in the sale of mining claims, saying the Government will soon move in with policy measures to restore order and protect national mineral resources” heraldonline.co.zw/minister-warns…
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Phil Mutonhodza
Phil Mutonhodza@MutonhodzaPhil·
@freemufumiri Ane maths here Jonso. Ndosaka vanhu vemaArts vachitarisirwa pasi. Moving from 5 to 7 is increasing, is lengthening, is adding the time in office
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Tasunungurwa Mufumiri
Tasunungurwa Mufumiri@freemufumiri·
Mlevu, Professor, your infographics are beautifully designed. The problem is they rebut your own argument. Allow me to show you exactly where. Your Infographic 1 lists Argentina, Chile, France, Mexico, Philippines and South Korea as countries that combine term length and term limit in a single clause. Your own NB note then states that a term length provision 'which is not combined with a term limit provision [like, for example, s95(2) in the Constitution of Zimbabwe] cannot under any circumstance be a term limit provision anywhere in the world.' Professor, you used s95(2) as your own reference point for a standalone term length clause, then built an entire argument on that assumption. But Zimbabwe's Constitutional Court in Mupungu CCZ 07/21 already ruled otherwise. Patel JCC explicitly stated: 'First and foremost, there is s95(2) which expressly stipulates that the term of office of the President is 5 years and coterminous with the life of Parliament… an amendment to any such provision, the effect of which is to extend the length of time that a person may hold or occupy the public office in question, falls squarely within the ambit of s328(7).' You cannot cite Mupungu as your authority while quietly burying the paragraph in that same judgement that dismantles your thesis. Your Infographic 2 is even more self-defeating. Look at the Zimbabwe row. Under 'Term Limit Provision', you list s91(2). Under 'Electoral Cycle / Term Length Provision' you list s95(2). Your own table, therefore, presents them as two distinct but co-existing provisions – which is precisely the 'two provision' framework you claim is being falsely attributed to Zimbabwe's Constitution. Your infographic and your written argument are in direct contradiction. Zimbabweans reading both in the same thread can see it plainly. Now look at the South Africa row in the same infographic. You correctly show s88(1) as term length and s88(2) as term limit – two separate provisions operating together. But no South African court has ever suggested that amending s88(1) to extend term duration would have no effect on the protection offered by s88(2). The two provisions function as a system. Zimbabwe's s91(2) and s95(2) work identically. If you lengthen each term, you mathematically extend the maximum time any one person can occupy the presidency. That is not a technicality – it is arithmetic. And it is precisely what s328(7) was written to prevent. Your 'office vs person' distinction – the claim that s95(2)(b) regulates the office and not the person – is philosophically creative but constitutionally weightless. The test under s328(1) is not whether a provision mentions a person by name. The test is whether it 'limits the length of time that a person may hold or occupy a public office.' A five-year term, multiplied by two terms, produces a ten-year ceiling. Change the five to seven, and the ceiling becomes fourteen. The person serves four more years. That is an extension of the length of time a person may hold office. The Constitutional Court said so in Mupungu. The text supports it. Your taxonomy inadvertently confirms it. And let us be clear about what this debate is actually about, because the academic framing obscures it. CAB3 does not merely propose a prospective change to future presidential terms. It explicitly applies the seven-year extension to the current incumbent through transitional provisions – the very act s328(7) was drafted to prohibit. No elegance of comparative analysis changes that material fact. Mnangagwa serves longer. That is the effect. That is what the Constitution bars without a referendum. With respect, Professor, this is not debunking a myth. Your own infographics, your own footnotes, and your own cited precedent all point in the opposite direction to your conclusion. What this is, is constitutional cartography – redrawing the borders to suit a predetermined destination. Zimbabweans deserve constitutional integrity. Not constitutional creativity in the service of incumbency.
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo

Debunking a Persistent and Dangerous Myth: Zimbabwe’s Constitution Contains Only One Presidential Term Limit Provision: In the intense public debate over the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, an utterly false claim is being repeated relentlessly and without a single shred of evidence: that the Constitution contains two separate presidential term limit provisions—sections 91(2) and 95(2)(b). This assertion is not merely incorrect; it is constitutionally impossible. No constitution anywhere in the world has ever created two distinct term limit provisions for the presidency. Section 95(2)(b) is not—and, according to the Constitution’s own crystal-clear definition in section 328(1), read with section 328(7), cannot possibly be—a term limit provision. A genuine presidential term limit provision restricts the total or maximum length of time any individual may hold or occupy the Office of President. Section 95(2)(b) does nothing of the sort. It simply defines the length of each presidential term as five years, running coterminous with the life of Parliament. In straightforward language, section 95(2)(b) regulates the office itself, not the person who holds it, and says absolutely nothing about how many terms or the length of time any one individual may serve. The Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013) contains only one term limit provision: Section 91(2). This clause is unequivocal and ironclad. It prohibits any person from serving more than two terms as President, with the vital safeguard that three or more years in office counts as a full term. It is only this single provision—and this provision alone—that actually limits the total time any individual can occupy the highest office in the land. Nothing illuminates this fundamental distinction more powerfully than comparative constitutional analysis—the gold standard for both public education and responsible policymaking. As the ancient wisdom has it, there is truly nothing new under the sun. A careful examination of proven global practice, vividly illustrated in the attached infographics, reveals three clear and time-tested approaches that nations around the world have taken when designing presidential term rules: Case 1 – Term length only (unlimited re-election permitted) Constitutions in this category have a single provision that simply defines the length of each presidential term, leaving the number of terms entirely open. This constitutional model operated successfully for decades—for example—in Botswana (31 years, 1966–1997), the United States (163 years, 1789–1951), and Zimbabwe itself (23 years, 1987–2013). Case 2 – Two separate provisions Here constitutions have two separate provisions: one that sets the length of each presidential term; and a second, entirely distinct clause that limits the total time any person may serve as President. This is precisely the framework that has—for example—operated in Botswana since 1997, South Africa since 1996, the United States since 1951, and Zimbabwe since 2013. The first infographic displays this clear separation of the two provisions across all the four countries. Case 3 – Combined in one elegant clause Constitutions in this category have a single constitutional provision that seamlessly merges both term limit concepts—defining term length while simultaneously imposing the limit. This approach has—for example— stood the test of time in Argentina (since 1994), Chile (since 1980), France (since 1958), Mexico (since 1917), the Philippines (since 1987), and South Korea (since 1987), as shown in the second infographic. The historical record is especially telling. Botswana introduced its separate term limit provision only after 31 years of independence, the United States after 163 years, and Zimbabwe after more than two decades of operating under a pure term-length provision. South Africa, by contrast, enshrined both provisions, separately, from the very first day of its democratic Constitution in 1996. These facts drive home an irrefutable truth: a provision that merely defines the length of a term has never been—and can never be—a term limit provision. The distinction is not a technicality; it is the bedrock of constitutional integrity. Recognising it clearly ensures that public discourse and debate on constitutional amendments is anchored in facts, logic, and proven international best practice, rather than convenient fiction to advance nefarious political agendas. Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans deserve nothing less!

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Prof Jonathan Moyo
Prof Jonathan Moyo@ProfJNMoyo·
Counsel @DougColtart, you will do your followers some good by showing them how or on what evidential and logical basis you arrived at these sweeping conclusions. No matter how you see yourself, things cannot be true or factual merely because your assert them. Where or what is your evidence? Your conclusions are self-indulgent and political!
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Doug Coltart ✊🏼🇿🇼
Doug Coltart ✊🏼🇿🇼@DougColtart·
#CAB3 increases the President’s control over: - elections - courts - Parliament - prosecutors - traditional leaders Makes our Parliament undemocratic Takes away our right to vote for the President & gives it to that undemocratic Parliament Deprives us of a say in a referendum
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Citizen
Citizen@Mujona·
@VITO_G_Wagon Mossad in action. All the chaos is moving torwards justification for sanctioning SA.
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Minister of Electricity 🇿🇦
The real witch 🧙 behind vile accounts: Everything you see that is against EFF, it is sponsored by this witch. Everything you see that is black against black, it is sponsored by this witch. That’s why when they apologise without consulting her, she instructs them to delete the apology.
Minister of Electricity 🇿🇦 tweet mediaMinister of Electricity 🇿🇦 tweet media
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