Reiner Moraes 🛸

Todo economista aceita que a lei de oferta e demanda se aplica a petróleo, trigo, imóveis, trabalho, tudo. Menos à moeda fiduciária. Menger mostrou em 1871 que valor é subjetivo. O mainstream levou 80 anos pra aceitar. Hoje nenhum economista sério defende a teoria do valor-trabalho. Menger também mostrou que dinheiro não é criação do Estado, é o bem mais vendável que emerge do mercado. Publicou isso em 1892. 134 anos depois, o mainstream ainda não aceitou. A profissão inteira finge que imprimir mais unidades não tem consequência desde que o PIB esteja "crescendo". 3 erros grotescos empilhados: 1. Suspendem a lei de oferta e demanda pro único bem que permeia toda a economia; 2. Medem "crescimento" pelo PIB, que inclui gasto do governo, e concluem que não há inflação; 3. Medem inflação por índices que eles mesmos escolhem e revisam, e chamam isso de realidade. O valor subjetivo levou 80 anos. O dinheiro já está em 134. Quem se beneficia de manter esse erro por 134 anos?

@ITeachBJJ Cool

BJJ Legend and ADCC Veteran Oliver Taza showing 3 entries to the pillow juji arm bar 👇

@elonmusk @grok Finally

How to use @Grok Imagine

Business owners don’t “make profits from exploitation”. They profit because they: - Come up with ideas - Invest and delay consumption - Execute competently - Work insane hours - Take real risk of losing everything if they are wrong That’s not “exploitation.” That’s creation.

@notaboutdollar A Mente Moralista

Comente um livro que mudou sua forma de pensar. Aquele livro que você fala assim: "esse tem capacidade de mudar uma vida" Eu começo

Leftists are united by psychology, not principles. “Many Leftists side with groups perceived as weak or inferior not out of compassion but because they unconsciously project their own sense of weakness onto these groups.” A crisis of self-worth masked as a moral crusade.

Milton Friedman: “I am not a conservative. I’ve never been a conservative. Hayek was not a conservative.” “We are liberals in the true meaning of that term: concerned with freedom. We are not liberals in the current distorted sense—those liberal with other people’s money.”

Every single socialist experiment in human history has collapsed into the same predictable pattern: economic devastation followed by authoritarian control. From the Soviet Union's bread lines to Venezuela's hyperinflation, from Cuba's emigrant rafts to Cambodia's killing fields—the results are as consistent as they are catastrophic. Yet somehow, each new generation of collectivists insists their version will be different. Meanwhile, the Austrian School predicted this outcome with mathematical precision. Ludwig von Mises proved in 1920 that rational economic calculation becomes impossible without market prices for capital goods. Without private ownership of the means of production, there are no genuine market prices. Without market prices, central planners cannot allocate resources efficiently—they're literally flying blind. What appears to be "planning" is actually chaos disguised by propaganda and enforced by violence. And when the inevitable shortages begin, the state has only two options: admit failure or double down with force. They always choose force. British pedophile John Maynard Keynes and his disciples promised a "middle way" between capitalism and socialism, but their interventions merely delayed the reckoning. Every welfare state, every central bank manipulation, every government "stimulus" brings us closer to the same endpoint. The difference between social democracy and full socialism isn't one of kind—it's merely one of degree and timeline. But the most damning evidence isn't theoretical—it's empirical. East versus West Germany. North versus South Korea. Cuba versus Chile. Hong Kong versus mainland China before 1979. Every controlled experiment in human history proves the same point: economic freedom creates prosperity, while state control creates misery. Socialist true believers can dismiss Austrian theory all they want, but they cannot dismiss the mountains of corpses and the millions of refugees fleeing their utopias. Venezuela had the world's largest oil reserves and still managed to create toilet paper shortages. That's not bad luck—that's economic law in action.

Resolvi surfar essa onda de vibecoding e agora vou botar uma ideia visionária q eu tive a tempos EM PRÁTICA . Estou criando uma ferramenta que vai REVOLUCIONAR o mercado cripto. Basicamente é uma plataforma onde você bota as seeds da sua wallet e a plataforma vai mostrar EXATAMENTE quanto você tem de saldo.

@AmauriSaad @MiguelNicolelis

Até faz sentido. Mas também faria sentido que esse cientista explicasse: estudando há tantas décadas esse assunto, a melhor ideia que ele teve foi um uma estrutura robótica para deixar o sujeito em pé que consumiu muito dinheiro e até hoje não serve para nada. Cadê o rigor científico nesse caso também ?

@ManfroiRenato @grok isso é verdade?

Brasil é o UNICO país do mundo que com a baixa do petróleo de 90 dólares do último mes de bolsonaro para 60 dólares hoje, subiu o preço da gasolina. UNICO!!!!!!! FAZ O L.

@Anatolydaily Ez

300 Kg- 78 kg body weight 🤭😳💪💪💪💪🏋🏻‍♀️🏋🏻‍♀️🏋🏻‍♀️🏋🏻‍♀️🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥

Capitalism doesn’t keep people poor. It exposes who’s producing value and who isn’t. Under capitalism, you don’t get paid for needing things. You get paid for earning by offering value others choose to trade for. People who want to live off others without producing call that “oppression” because the system refuses to reward entitlement. Cheap labor isn’t created by markets. It’s created by policies that trap people in dependency: regulation, inflation, credential barriers, welfare cliffs, and state-protected monopolies. Those are anti-capitalist interventions that suppress opportunity and bargaining power. If capitalism wanted people poor, it wouldn’t constantly be lifting the bottom, increasing productivity, and turning yesterday’s luxuries into today’s basics. The only systems that reliably keep people poor on purpose are collectivist ones, because poverty makes people easier to control. Capitalism rewards effort and value creation. Communism rewards grievance and excuses. That’s why one builds prosperity and the other manufactures resentment.

@RealPostFolder Just use @brave

Denmark isn’t socialist in the way socialists mean. It has strong property rights, flexible labor markets, low corporate taxes, no state set minimum wage, and a business friendly economy. Its welfare state is funded by capitalism, not a substitute for it. Crucially, Denmark doesn’t pretend the rich pay for everything. The poor and middle class are heavily taxed too, mainly through high VAT and broad income taxes. Everyone pays. The costs are shared openly. Socialists want the outcomes without the conditions or the bill: redistribution without broad taxation, benefits without personal cost, control without productivity. Denmark does the opposite. Markets create wealth first, then everyone helps fund services. So “be like Denmark” is sleight of hand. Remove capitalism, property rights, or shared burden, and Denmark stops looking like Denmark fast.

Marxism begins with a morally obscene assumption: that people can be divided into classes where some are deemed fit to command and confiscate, while others exist to be commanded and exploited in the name of history. Guilt and virtue are assigned at birth by economic category, not by action or consent. From that premise, coercion isn’t an abuse. It’s a moral duty. If one class is declared inherently parasitic and another inherently entitled, then slavery can be rebranded as justice and theft as liberation. It’s about licensing authoritarian parasitism. Power is justified in advance, resistance is pathologized, and individual rights are dismissed as bourgeois illusions. Once you accept the premise, every atrocity becomes explainable. And once everything is explainable, nothing is accountable.

‘Humans didn’t pay to live for thousands of years.’ Correct, and for thousands of years humans barely lived at all. They lived short, brutal, desperate lives. If you believe in the labor theory of value, then pre-capitalist humans “paid” far more than anyone today: They paid with: little to no medical care high infant mortality starvation as a seasonal norm no specialization no mobility no private property no savings no upward progress You want to talk about ‘paying to live’? They paid everything, and got almost nothing in return. Capitalism is the system where: your effort produces exponential results wealth compounds voluntary exchange multiplies value innovation replaces toil specialization increases productivity trade reduces costs property rights allow accumulation Capitalism is “only a couple hundred years old,” yes. But in those couple hundred years it delivered: medicine electricity running water global food abundance industrial production transportation sanitation communication technology Before capitalism, a bad harvest was death. Now it’s a price fluctuation. Before capitalism, wealth didn’t grow, people did the same work their ancestors did, at the same output, for the same existence. Socialists romanticize history because they don’t understand it. Capitalism did not create the cost of survival, nature did. Capitalism is what finally lowered it. For the first time in human existence, effort can buy more life than it costs to sustain it. That’s the difference.

@traininvest @feliperabeloep A mente moralista

@feliperabeloep Legal, teria outros livros pra indicar?

Li o livro Otimista Racional por conta da indicação do Naval. Não consigo recomendar o suficiente. Nunca mais fiquei pessimista com o futuro. Valeu cada minuto. Por mais que tenha sido lançado em 2005, a ideia por trás é atemporal. Se você tem algum receio sobre o futuro dos empregos ou consequências negativas da IA (só exemplos), deveria ser o primeiro livro na sua lista.

The Brazilian government has incarcerated former President @jairbolsonaro to start serving a 27 years prison sentence for what history will remember as the “Disney coup.” Bolsonaro voluntarily transferred power to Lula on December 31, 2022. He left office peacefully. He took a flight to Orlando. He rented a house for a short stay and made plans to take his grandchildren to Disney World. On January 1, Lula assumed full control of every security force in Brazil. And eight days later — with Bolsonaro abroad, retired from power, and nowhere near the levers of the state — Lula and Alexandre de Moraes declared a “coup attempt” after a few hundred protesters stormed empty government buildings in Brasilia on a quiet summer Sunday. Bolsonaro denounced the protest in real time. A coup after leaving office. A coup with no weapons, no chain of command, no chance of succeeding. A coup allegedly directed by a former president in Florida preparing to go to Disney with his grandkids. A coup that the alleged leader denounced in real time on social media. No serious jurist could look at this sequence and call it a coup d’etat. Yet it has now produced a 27-year sentence for the leading opposition figure in Brazil, a man who has led nearly every presidential poll for three years, on the eve of the 2026 election. The region has seen political lawfare before. But rarely has it been executed with this level of transparent absurdity. It will be remembered as 27 years for the Disney coup. And the timing matters. Exactly one day after the United States showed goodwill by softening tariffs, Moraes escalated to the most aggressive instance of judicial weaponization to date, confirming to the world precisely why those tariffs and sanctions were imposed in the first place. History has seen this pattern. Jair Bolsonaro now joins the ranks of Václav Havel, Nelson Mandela, Lech Wałęsa — leaders imprisoned not for violence or corruption, but because their ideas and their supporters threatened the grip of the ruling establishment. Institutions reveal their character by how they treat their political opponents. Democracies survive on restraint by those who wield authority, and respect for the people’s right to choose their leaders. When courts abandon those principles by systematically targeting the most formidable adversary for the next election, justice becomes a costume worn by those who fear the verdict of the people. nytimes.com/2025/11/25/wor…

Capitalism is not chaos - it’s a game against reality. The enemy isn’t people. It’s entropy, inefficiency, limitation. In capitalism, you solve problems for reward. Value is created, not stolen. Progress comes from contribution, not collision. Every win can lift others without reducing them. It’s player versus environment - man versus scarcity. But alternatives convert the field into a battlefield. When the pie is “fixed,” neighbors become enemies. Success becomes suspicion. Ambition becomes a threat. Soon it’s player versus player - power tearing itself apart. Innovation thrives in PvE. Resentment thrives in PvP. One builds worlds. The other burns them. Choose the system that turns effort into expansion. Not the one that turns brother into rival. — The Master Builder @KingsProtocol