Robert Malley

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Robert Malley

Robert Malley

@Rob_Malley

Author w/Hussein Agha, TOMORROW IS YESTERDAY: LIFE, DEATH, & THE PURSUIT OF PEACE IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE. Pdt Emeritus & Mideast Pg Dir @CrisisGroup. Yale Lecturer

Katılım Ekim 2011
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Robert Malley
Robert Malley@Rob_Malley·
Just to repeat : It’s long past time to do what so many of us find impossible to achieve, which is to pay as much attention to what Trump says as we would to any other individual's irrelevant ramblings -- which is to say, none at all It doesn’t mean he won’t strike; it doesn’t mean he will It means that what he says on one day bears no relation to reality, and no relation to what he will say the next.
Aaron Rupar@atrupar

Q: How many days does Iran have to come to the table? TRUMP: Two or three days. Maybe Friday, Saturday, Sunday. A limited period of time. Because we can't let them have a nuclear weapon

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dr harry hagopian 🥸
dr harry hagopian 🥸@harryhagopian·
"Believe me, there is no Hollywood ending" quipped @SCClemons at the end of his latest episode of 'The Bottom Line' ➡️ A defining & troubling pleasure 4 me listening to @Rob_Malley talking about the geopolitical challenges of the Israeli-US war w/ Iran: youtu.be/40RbnVGqcgY?si…
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Robert Malley
Robert Malley@Rob_Malley·
In other words, quite the one-two nuclear punch: Trumps’s decision in 2018 to withdraw from the JCPOA and impose maximum pressure sanctions triggered a dramatic growth in Iran’s nuclear expertise and know-how. Next, his decision in 2025-26 to twice attack Iran in the middle of negotiations prompted a significant increase in Iran’s incentive to develop a bomb - with the benefit of that irreversible additional knowledge …
Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش@citrinowicz

The Dangerous Illusion Behind the Iran Campaign regarding Tehran's nuclear capabilities One of the central problems with the current campaign against Iran is the deeply flawed strategic assumption on which it was built. The war was justified on the premise that Iran was on the verge of acquiring a nuclear bomb and that only military force could stop it. But neither assumption withstands serious scrutiny. First, it is critical to state clearly and repeatedly: Iran was not on the threshold of producing a nuclear weapon. Despite alarming rhetoric, there has been no public evidence nor any intelligence report by the American IC, that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei made the political decision to weaponize Iran’s nuclear program. Even after the June strikes, there are no indications that Tehran has resumed an organized weapons program. Iran’s nuclear advances were certainly troubling and destabilizing, but enrichment capability is not the same as an active decision to build a bomb. Second, the campaign itself demonstrated the limits of military power. Despite massive strikes on enrichment facilities at Natanz and Fordow back in June ("midnight hammer") and on the nuclear complex in Isfahan, discussions in Washington and Jerusalem still revolve around Iran’s remaining nuclear potential. That alone should make one fact unavoidable: there is no lasting kinetic solution to the Iranian nuclear challenge. Airstrikes can damage facilities and delay timelines, but they cannot eliminate the scientific knowledge, industrial expertise, and technological infrastructure Iran has accumulated over decades. More troubling still, the campaign may ultimately accelerate the very outcome it sought to prevent. The decapitating of Ali Khamenei, "togther" with the longstanding fatwa against nuclear weapons, and the growing dominance of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps could push Tehran toward a fundamental reassessment of its nuclear doctrine. For many inside Iran’s security establishment, the lesson of recent events may be painfully simple: states without nuclear deterrence remain vulnerable to external attack. If that conclusion takes hold in Tehran, military action may end up strengthening the internal arguments in favor of weaponization. The broader strategic logic behind the war now appears equally questionable. The campaign was driven in large part by the belief that the Iranian regime was uniquely weak and that sustained pressure could destabilize, perhaps even collapse, the Islamic Republic. But the regime survived. Not only did it remain intact, it also preserved meaningful capabilities in both the nuclear and missile domains. That reality raises a difficult but necessary question: if the regime remains in power while retaining significant strategic capabilities, has the campaign actually improved the long-term security environment? The answer is far from obvious. Since the United States withdrew from the nuclear agreement in 2018, Iran has accumulated irreversible knowledge and experience in enrichment, centrifuge development, and nuclear infrastructure. That reality cannot be bombed away. The uncomfortable truth is that diplomacy, however frustrating, imperfect, or politically unpopular, remains the only viable path for constraining Iran’s nuclear program over the long term. This does not mean trusting Tehran. It means recognizing strategic reality. A negotiated framework with intrusive inspections, limitations, and verification mechanisms may not solve every problem posed by Iran, but it can buy time, reduce risks, and prevent the emergence of a far more dangerous scenario. Because if this conflict ends with the Islamic Republic still standing, while preserving substantial nuclear capabilities and concluding that only nuclear weapons can guarantee regime survival, the world should not be surprised if one day it wakes up to a nuclear-armed Iran. #ira

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Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش
The Dangerous Illusion Behind the Iran Campaign regarding Tehran's nuclear capabilities One of the central problems with the current campaign against Iran is the deeply flawed strategic assumption on which it was built. The war was justified on the premise that Iran was on the verge of acquiring a nuclear bomb and that only military force could stop it. But neither assumption withstands serious scrutiny. First, it is critical to state clearly and repeatedly: Iran was not on the threshold of producing a nuclear weapon. Despite alarming rhetoric, there has been no public evidence nor any intelligence report by the American IC, that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei made the political decision to weaponize Iran’s nuclear program. Even after the June strikes, there are no indications that Tehran has resumed an organized weapons program. Iran’s nuclear advances were certainly troubling and destabilizing, but enrichment capability is not the same as an active decision to build a bomb. Second, the campaign itself demonstrated the limits of military power. Despite massive strikes on enrichment facilities at Natanz and Fordow back in June ("midnight hammer") and on the nuclear complex in Isfahan, discussions in Washington and Jerusalem still revolve around Iran’s remaining nuclear potential. That alone should make one fact unavoidable: there is no lasting kinetic solution to the Iranian nuclear challenge. Airstrikes can damage facilities and delay timelines, but they cannot eliminate the scientific knowledge, industrial expertise, and technological infrastructure Iran has accumulated over decades. More troubling still, the campaign may ultimately accelerate the very outcome it sought to prevent. The decapitating of Ali Khamenei, "togther" with the longstanding fatwa against nuclear weapons, and the growing dominance of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps could push Tehran toward a fundamental reassessment of its nuclear doctrine. For many inside Iran’s security establishment, the lesson of recent events may be painfully simple: states without nuclear deterrence remain vulnerable to external attack. If that conclusion takes hold in Tehran, military action may end up strengthening the internal arguments in favor of weaponization. The broader strategic logic behind the war now appears equally questionable. The campaign was driven in large part by the belief that the Iranian regime was uniquely weak and that sustained pressure could destabilize, perhaps even collapse, the Islamic Republic. But the regime survived. Not only did it remain intact, it also preserved meaningful capabilities in both the nuclear and missile domains. That reality raises a difficult but necessary question: if the regime remains in power while retaining significant strategic capabilities, has the campaign actually improved the long-term security environment? The answer is far from obvious. Since the United States withdrew from the nuclear agreement in 2018, Iran has accumulated irreversible knowledge and experience in enrichment, centrifuge development, and nuclear infrastructure. That reality cannot be bombed away. The uncomfortable truth is that diplomacy, however frustrating, imperfect, or politically unpopular, remains the only viable path for constraining Iran’s nuclear program over the long term. This does not mean trusting Tehran. It means recognizing strategic reality. A negotiated framework with intrusive inspections, limitations, and verification mechanisms may not solve every problem posed by Iran, but it can buy time, reduce risks, and prevent the emergence of a far more dangerous scenario. Because if this conflict ends with the Islamic Republic still standing, while preserving substantial nuclear capabilities and concluding that only nuclear weapons can guarantee regime survival, the world should not be surprised if one day it wakes up to a nuclear-armed Iran. #ira
Zachary Cohen@ZcohenCNN

“If we gave Iran nukes, gas would be $20 a gallon. They would shut the strait on and off ..” Iran’s ability to impact the global energy market going forward via the strait is not really a hypothetical anymore. They’ve proven the concept without a nuclear weapon & — as it stands — are proving it further by way of asymmetric capabilities. As far as things returning to “where we were” in the short term. Energy execs are publicly projecting that - even in the best-case scenario - pre-war energy prices are not coming back anytime soon, per @MattEganCNN: cnn.com/2026/05/12/bus…

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Carl Bildt
Carl Bildt@carlbildt·
That’s the way it is. The stupidity of leaving the JCPOA deal in 2015 took 🇺🇸 on the path to this war, and when there was a chance to renew a deal, 🇮🇱 pressed on for war. Now the war aim seems to be to solve the problems a misguided policy has created.
Robert Malley@Rob_Malley

In other words the war’s objectives are to recover an HEU stockpile that wouldn’t exist had Trump not torn up the deal, and to reopen the strait of Hormuz that would not be shut had he not initiated the war …

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Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش
Whether he posted before or after receiving Iran’s response, one thing is clear: the Iranian regime’s reply reflects the mindset of a leadership that believes it survived the war and won, not that it lost it. As a result, its demands remain high and its willingness to compromise is extremely limited. Trump may be frustrated by that reality, but frustration alone will not change the situation. As long as this regime remains in power, Tehran is unlikely to surrender under pressure, even in the face of threats or the use of force. The Iranian leadership does not see itself as defeated, and it is acting accordingly. It is what it is.... #IranWar#iran
Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad

Personally, I’m not surprised by the tone, the claims, or the outright falsehoods Trump keeps repeating. And I don’t think this is necessarily connected to the contents of Iran’s latest response. - We’ve been seeing this kind of increasingly surreal rhetoric since well before the war even started. #Iran #IranWar

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Robert Malley
Robert Malley@Rob_Malley·
In other words the war’s objectives are to recover an HEU stockpile that wouldn’t exist had Trump not torn up the deal, and to reopen the strait of Hormuz that would not be shut had he not initiated the war …
Ali Vaez@AliVaez

Why does Iran possess an HEU stockpile? bc Bibi torpedoed the deal that barred Iran from accumulating one until 2031 Why is that stockpile now unaccounted for? bc Bibi launched a war in 2025 that severed the IAEA’s access The last person anyone should trust for solutions is him

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jeremy scahill
jeremy scahill@jeremyscahill·
First he was possibly dead, then severely wounded, then not in a position of authority, then Iran in disarray, now he’s playing a critical role. The blockade is working. Now we have Project Freedom. Now we don’t. JD is on his way to Islamabad. No, it’s Steve & Jared. Now no one.
CNN@CNN

US intelligence assesses that Iran’s new supreme leader is playing a critical role in shaping war strategy alongside senior Iranian officials, according to multiple sources. cnn.it/4neshly

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Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش
After 39 days of war, several core assumptions about Iranian behavior are becoming clear: First, Iran is unlikely to capitulate or be deterred by U.S. president threats. Coercion alone does not appear sufficient to change Tehran’s strategic calculus. Second, Iran views control over the Strait of Hormuz as a core strategic interest, on par with its nuclear and missile programs. Third, when faced with a choice between what it perceives as surrender and escalation, Tehran will choose escalation. Fourth, the current leadership structure, heavily influenced by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, appears less constrained by traditional cost-benefit considerations. Fifth, Iran may be open to a ceasefire, but only if it leads to a new strategic reality: one that includes compensation and guarantees against renewed conflict. Sixth, Tehran is systematically leveraging asymmetric capabilities throughout the conflict, likely as preparation for its continuation or renewal. Seventh, Iran appears to believe it can absorb pain better than its adversaries, that the global economy, and the United States in particular, are more vulnerable to prolonged disruption. Eighth, if Washington’s objective is to compel Iran to accept its terms, it would likely require a fundamental change in the regime itself, an outcome that carries its own risks and uncertainties. Ninth, the maritime blockade, despite its advantages, was never likely to force Iranian capitulation. The assumption that it could was as flawed as the belief that decapitating leadership would collapse the regime. Finally, U.S. policy appears to be operating on familiar assumptions, treating Iran as if it were a different kind of adversary. But Iran is not Venezuela. And relying on advice that captures tactical details without grasping the broader strategic picture risks repeating the same mistakes. A resumption of the war along its current lines is unlikely to produce a different outcome. If anything, it will only further deteriorate the state of the global economy. In other words, continuing down the same path will not change the strategic equation, it will simply raise the economic costs. #IranWar
Clash Report@clashreport

Trump to Fox News: Iranians are being far more malleable than they were in the past.

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Xenia Kounalaki
Xenia Kounalaki@xkounalaki·
@Rob_Malley compares the negotiations to a sandwich: president on top, negotiating team in the middle, experts at the bottom. If the president changes his mind every other day, there’s no way to win.
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Phil Gordon
Phil Gordon@PhilGordonDC·
It would be wrong to see the JCPOA debate as merely an old feud. It's the closest thing we have to a test case for how to deal with Iran. The failure of the assumption that maximum pressure would lead to a "better deal" or regime collapse is highly relevant to your questions about what should come next. For example, should we now accept a ceasefire and degree of sanctions relief in exchange for a verifiable agreement to curb Iran's capacity to produce a bomb--for example with a suspension of enrichment for x number of years, prohibitions on HEU production, and limits on a LEU stockpile, even if it doesn't include everything we might want? Or should we expect that a continued blockade and renewed airstrikes will lead to a better deal, in which the regime agrees to end enrichment forever, give up its HEU, open the Strait without tolling, forego ballistic missile development and support for proxies, or possibly even collapse? Do we think Iran will respond to continued pressure by agreeing to all those demands, or is it more likely to counter-escalate, at extraordinary human and financial costs and in the absence of any nuclear constraints? These are hard questions but they should at least be informed by the lessons of recent experience rather than wishful thinking or ideology. That's why continued debate about the JCPOA remains essential. Critics argued for years that more pressure on Iran would produce a "better deal" and we wouldn't have to go to war to get it. So far they've been proven catastrophically wrong and we are now struggling at great cost to end Iran's stranglehold on the world economy--that it didn't have before--let alone get a comprehensive nuclear deal or change the regime. Continuing to act on their flawed assumptions would be to make policy based on hope rather than experience.
laurence norman@laurnorman

We’ve had a lot of debate over wisdom of war from very good informed people. And over the benefits and negatives of JCPoA. Now we need more analysis of what’s next? What’s its consequences? How are its downsides best mitigated? Not just a decade old feud.

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Robert Malley
Robert Malley@Rob_Malley·
Insightful as usual from @citrinowicz: « instead of accelerating change, the U.S.-Israeli war set it back. Khamenei’s death disrupted Iran’s evolution and provided the regime with an opportunity to consolidate. Paradoxically, the external pressure meant to topple the Iranian regime has helped preserve it. » foreignaffairs.com/iran/how-war-s…
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