StreetFox
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Israelis and Americans think that once they have participated in genocides, they can now call themselves genocide scholars.










There is a claim that keeps circulating, presented as sophisticated analysis: antisemitic violence is caused by Israel’s actions. If Israel behaved differently, Jewish communities around the world would somehow be safer. This argument is not analysis. It is a moral inversion. And it collapses the moment you apply it consistently. When China imprisons Uyghurs, does anyone warn Muslim communities in Paris to expect attacks? When Russia invaded Ukraine, did anyone tell Russian restaurants to brace for violence? No. Never. The causal chain between a government’s actions and violence against a diaspora is only ever constructed for Jews. Every other minority is extended the basic moral courtesy of being treated as individuals rather than proxies. Now look at what the data actually shows. The SPCJ, which tracks antisemitic incidents in France in coordination with the Interior Ministry, has documented a consistent and damning pattern: it is antisemitic violence that inspires more antisemitic violence, not Israeli policy. After Mohamed Merah murdered Jewish children at point-blank range at the Ozar Hatorah school in Toulouse in 2012, antisemitic acts surged by 200%. There was no Gaza operation. No Israeli military action. The massacre of Jews in France produced more attacks on Jews in France. The same logic held after the Hypercacher attack in January 2015: antisemitic acts increased by nearly 300%. Massacres of Jews do not shock antisemites into restraint. They embolden them. They signal impunity. They normalize hatred. And everyone in a position of responsibility knows it. Which brings us to October 7. From the day of the Hamas attack, antisemitic acts in France increased by over 1,000%. A daily average of approximately 25 antisemitic acts was recorded in the 30 days that followed, reaching nearly 40 on some days. In the three months after the attack, the number of antisemitic acts equaled those recorded over the previous three years combined. And here is another detail that makes the “Israel causes antisemitism” argument impossible to sustain: the spike began on October 7 itself, the very day of the attack. Israel had not yet responded. Not a single soldier had entered Gaza. Interior Minister Darmanin sent an urgent message to prefects that same day asking them to immediately reinforce protection of Jewish community sites. Synagogues. Schools. Community centers. By October 10, 10,000 police officers had been deployed to protect 500 Jewish sites across the country. Before any Israeli response existed, the French government already knew that Jewish communities needed protecting. Not because of what Israel was about to do. Because of what had just been done to Jews. Antisemitic violence has one cause. Antisemitism.


Alright, but it *isn't* genocide because the elements of the crime are clearly missing. This is a blood libel that has caused Jews to be murdered. It must stop. Not a single accusation has been able to establish that intent is present to the standard required. Not a single one has used the appropriate legal analysis to make the legal conclusion that they do. Each accusation has systematically ignored the conduct of Hamas in relation to informing us about Israeli conduct and what is permissible. This violates the key provisions of the jurisprudence because it ignores the test that must be taken, known as the only reasonable inference test. Here, from Bosnia v. Serbia (2007), para. 373: “The dolus specialis, the specific intent to destroy the group in whole or in part, has to be convincingly shown by reference to particular circumstances, unless a general plan to that end can be convincingly demonstrated to exist; and for a pattern of conduct to be accepted as evidence of its existence, it would have to be that it could only point to the existence of such intent.” When each accusation ignores the conduct of Hamas, it fails to assess the reasonable alternative explanations. If there exists reasonable alternative explanations, such as human shielding (see: GCIV 28 & API 51(7)), weaponization of healthcare infrastructure (see: GCIV 19), diversion of aid (see: GCIV 23), it cannot possibly be genocide. We do know, with plenty of evidence, that each of these is relevant to the analysis because we know that Hamas has utilized human shielding (they admit to it and have done this for decades), have weaponized hospitals (Mohammad Sinwar was killed under the European hospital and we hear from Gazans about the presence of armed militants), and have diverted aid (Al Jazeera confirmed this just yesterday), then it cannot possibly be found that dolus specialis is present. If dolus specialis is not present, it cannot be genocide. Moreover, substantiality is very clearly missing. From, Krstić: "It is well established that where a conviction for genocide relies on the intent to destroy a protected group “in part,” the part must be a substantial part of that group. The aim of the Genocide Convention is to prevent the intentional destruction of entire human groups, and the part targeted must be significant enough to have an impact on the group as a whole. Although the Appeals Chamber has not yet addressed this issue, two Trial Chambers of this Tribunal have examined it. In Jelisić, the first case to confront the question, the Trial Chamber noted that, “[g]iven the goal of the [Genocide] Convention to deal with mass crimes, it is widely acknowledged that the intention to destroy must target at least a substantial part of the group.” The same conclusion was reached by the Sikirica Trial Chamber: “This part of the definition calls for evidence of an intention to destroy a substantial number relative to the total population of the group.” As these Trial Chambers explained, the substantiality requirement both captures genocide’s defining character as a crime of massive proportions and reflects the Convention’s concern with the impact the destruction of the targeted part will have on the overall survival of the group." In Sikirica the chamber stipulated that about 3% is not substantial enough to constitute genocide. In Gaza the death toll, including combatants and not accounting for live births (which outnumber measured death) is about 3.25%. If we want to discuss live births, we would see population increase over the course of the war. Per Save the Children, the UN, and Palestinian Ministry of Health officials the births throughout the war ranged from about 4,000 - 5,500 per month. 4,000(30)=120,000 5,500(30)=165,000 120,000-72,500=+47,500 165,000-72,500=+92,500 So, we can demonstrate that the population has not decreased as measured in death vs. birth, but the opposite. It is very clearly not genocide if you actually understand what genocide is and how it works. This is very clearly a blood libel that has caused the very harm you are saying you are speaking against, @shannonrwatts. I think your heart is in the right place, Shannon. But I also think that you are helping cause the very problem you are speaking against here by helping perpetuate the blood libel that is very clearly erroneous and has caused real and demonstrable harm against Jews. You cannot be an ally and spread the blood libel. And you must stop pushing it.





















