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We just said goodbye to our good friends Thomas and Carolyn Massie. The civil war in the Republican Party is successfully gutting the true America Firsters, like myself, Thomas and others. But I don’t think most Americans realize the extent of what’s happening, how bad it is, and what it’s going to produce. After taking the hard principled stand against war with Iran in June 2025 and releasing the Epstein files, the neocon controlled Republican establishment now backed by the President set out to destroy us. Thomas and I took two different routes but ended up in the same place, which delivered a message to our colleagues to never go against the President even on issues he himself promised to do and at the same time delivered the louder stronger message to the American people that no matter what they say on tv, rally stages, committee hearings, campaign ads, or stump speeches, Republicans and Trump have overwhelmingly rejected America First and will do anything possible to cut the head off of anyone who tries to fly its banner. The extent and extremes to which they have gone should shock everyone. For me, I was Trump’s loudest champion for years supporting him when no one else would, voting with him 98% of the time, and he called me a traitor for releasing the Epstein files, refusing to support war with Iran, and fighting against the White House’s bad policies that only serve their donors like a 10 year moratorium on state rights to regulate and make laws on AI and data centers. And yet my perfect conservative voting record, legislative accomplishments like the House passing my articles of impeachment of Biden’s DHS Secretary that oversaw the invasion of our country, passing my bill making it a felony to trans children under 18, my work as DOGE Chair defunding waste fraud and abuse and so much more, suddenly meant nothing to low educated Republicans that are easily manipulated by bot armies and bought and paid for social media influencers that spread absurd lies about me. After supporting the Republican Party by paying all of my dues to the NRCC every Congress, endorsing and campaigning for Republican candidates, and spending millions and traveling the country to get Trump elected, to be called a traitor and not a single Republican (even the ones I helped get elected like JD Vance and others) not to utter a word of public support for me, it became abundantly clear that the Republican Party is something I can no longer support and want nothing to do with. None of my policy views have changed, but everything changed about the man I supported to be president and the party I supported to gain the majority. They are all under full capture and control. And if you refuse to be captured and controlled with them, then their captors will set out to kill you, and the party sits in silence while it happens. What they just did to Thomas Massie is unforgivable. I saw it all coming early, had just watched my friend Charlie Kirk assassinated, and knew they were going to do all of it and probably worse to me too, so I refused to allow it to happen to me, my family, and my district, so I resigned. But Thomas stayed in the fight and they slaughtered him with tens of millions of foreign donor dollars that fueled lies, slander, character assassination, and even broke their own laws to do it. They told lies to Kentucky’s 4th district that Massie had turned into a liberal Democrat, voting for Democrat policies, and even made vicious lying illegal AI ads showing him in a sexual relationship with AOC and Ilhan Omar. Even though ALL of it was horrific lies proven wrong with his own 14 year impeccable America First liberty driven voting record, naive older voters in his district were easily fooled by the AIPAC and Israel funded campaign lies, and voted for a new candidate who refused every single debate with Thomas Massie and has no voting record to prove what he stands for at all. The capture is complete. What will you do about it?

🎯 Deep Dive: The Quiet Coup Inside the NDAA The Responsible Statecraft piece has put its finger on something genuinely significant — and the fact that this is happening inside a must-pass $1.15 trillion defense bill, buried at Section 224, tells you everything about how the permanent national security apparatus operates when it wants to avoid a public fight. 🏗️ What Section 224 Actually Does This isn’t a tweak. Section 224 — titled the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” — is a structural rewiring of the U.S.-Israel military relationship. The provision authorizes $150 million annually from FY2027 through FY2029, but the money is almost beside the point. What matters is the architecture it builds: - Bilateral R&D across AI, quantum computing, autonomous systems, directed energy, cyber, biotech, counter-drone systems, and missile defense - Co-production and joint ventures with Israeli defense firms on U.S. soil - Licensing agreements that embed Israeli-origin intellectual property into Pentagon programs of record - “Network integration” and “data fusion” — which means U.S. military data flowing into Israeli systems and vice versa - Pathways from R&D straight into procurement, bypassing the normal foreign aid oversight channels The key phrase in the legislative text: technologies are to be identified for “integration into United States systems and programs of record.” That’s not foreign aid. That’s making Israeli defense tech a backbone of the U.S. military. 🔄 The Strategic Shift: From Aid to Embedded Infrastructure The Quincy Institute’s Steven Simon has been tracking this for months. His brief, The Disappearing Aid Check, lays out exactly what’s happening — and it’s more sophisticated than most people realize. The current model: Israel receives Foreign Military Financing (FMF) through the State Department, voted on annually by Congress. It's visible. It's politically accountable. People can argue about it. The new model: Phase out FMF grants and replace them with Pentagon procurement accounts, industrial partnerships, and sustainment pipelines. Same money, different door — one with vastly less transparency. The logic, as Simon documents, is being sold under an “America First” framing: this isn’t a handout to Israel, it’s an investment in American military readiness, industrial capacity, and jobs. Israeli co-production facilities in Mississippi and Arkansas become political leverage — members of Congress protect the jobs in their districts, and the relationship becomes structurally impossible to unwind. This is the same playbook the military-industrial complex always uses: distribute the subcontracts across as many congressional districts as possible so no one dares vote against the program. Now they’re doing it with a foreign country’s defense sector. 🕳️ The Transparency Problem The shift from State Department-administered FMF to Pentagon procurement is the move that should alarm anyone who cares about accountability. Under the FMF model: - Congress votes on the aid package publicly - The State Department provides human rights certifications - There’s diplomatic oversight and policy conditionality - Public debate is possible Under the Pentagon procurement model: - Funding moves through budget justification documents and program element descriptions - Oversight is limited to “cost, readiness, and capability” — bureaucratic criteria - The relationship gets evaluated like any other weapons program, not as a strategic political commitment - No diplomatic strings attached As the Responsible Statecraft piece notes, this would give Israel “a higher level of military-industrial integration than the U.S. has with any other country in the world” — including NATO allies. Not even the Five Eyes partners have this kind of embedded access to U.S. defense procurement. 🧬 The Legislative Genealogy This didn’t come out of nowhere. H.R. 7540 (Rep. Ronny Jackson, R-TX) and S. 3855 (Sen. Ted Budd, R-NC) were introduced as standalone bills in February 2026 with nearly identical language. When a standalone passage looked difficult, the provisions got folded into the NDAA — the classic maneuver for legislation that can’t survive public scrutiny on its own. The JINSA (Jewish Institute for National Security of America) influence is unmistakable. Their “Partners in Production” report explicitly recommended deeper industrial integration and the addition of Israel to the U.S. National Technology and Industrial Base (NTIB). The FY2026 NDAA had already directed DoD to establish a working group to assess exactly that. Section 224 is the next logical step — and JINSA’s fingerprints are all over it. ⚠️ Why This Matters More Than the Dollar Figure $150 million a year is a rounding error in a $1.15 trillion defense bill. But the institutional architecture this creates is permanent. Once Israeli firms are embedded in U.S. supply chains, once Israeli-origin IP is inside Pentagon programs of record, once U.S. and Israeli military data networks are fused — disentanglement becomes economically and institutionally impossible. You can’t just stop the aid check. You’d have to rip apart procurement programs, break contracts, and rebuild supply chains. That’s the point. This is designed to make the relationship irreversible — at precisely the moment when a growing number of Americans are questioning unconditional support for Israel’s actions in the region. The traditional Israel lobby works through campaign contributions and media influence. This is more sophisticated: it works through the defense procurement bureaucracy itself, creating material interests that guarantee political support regardless of public opinion. 🗳️ What Happens Next The House Armed Services Committee markup is scheduled for June 4, 2026. After that, the bill moves to the full House, then reconciliation with the Senate version. Section 224 is currently in the base text — meaning it was put there by committee leadership before amendments or broader debate. That’s how the most consequential provisions get through: bury them in the chairman’s mark, count on the must-pass nature of the NDAA, and dare anyone to hold up the entire defense budget over one section. Members who want to stop this have a narrow window: force a floor amendment to strike Section 224, or demand recorded votes that put colleagues on the record supporting the fusion of U.S. and Israeli militaries. The question is whether anyone has the stomach for that fight when the pro-Israel apparatus in both parties remains largely unchallenged. The Responsible Statecraft piece is right to flag this. The quiet ones are always the ones that matter most.