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dmolon

@dmolon167003

Get back to work.

Katılım Ağustos 2024
201 Takip Edilen29 Takipçiler
dmolon
dmolon@dmolon167003·
@FunGuyTy @agraybee Recent works aslo apparently say that the US left because the elites no longer left vietnam was a worthy return investment, that resources needed to be allocated elsewhere.
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Ray Pest
Ray Pest@gRayPest69420·
@agraybee They still took incredibly heavy casualties. No western army would have lasted yet the Vietnamese did. They of course had anti air missiles but most of their guns were bolt actions that Russia could drop on them
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Gideon Sa'ar | גדעון סער
גרמת ביודעין נזק למדינה במופע המחפיר הזה ולא בפעם הראשונה. הורדת לטמיון מאמצים אדירים מקצועיים ומוצלחים שנעשו על ידי רבים רבים - מחיילי צה״ל ועד עובדי משרד החוץ ועוד רבים וטובים. לא, אתה לא הפנים של ישראל.
איתמר בן גביר@itamarbengvir

ככה אנחנו מקבלים את תומכי הטרור Welcome to Israel 🇮🇱

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Policy Tensor
Policy Tensor@policytensor·
Again the issue is not that Iran can fire at ships in the gulf. Qatar can do that. The issue — what proves that Iran is a great power — is that the US cannot militarily retake Hormuz, cannot suppress Iranian fire. This is a great military surprise. Caine assured the principals that Iran could be disarmed in what constitutes one of the greatest intelligence failures of all time. What we have learnt the hard way is precisely that Iran is so strong that the US cannot defeat it and reopen Hormuz. That is, it is a great power in accordance with the criterion that has always counter in the history of Western great power politics—the test of the battlefield. “Iran always had- starting around 1950ish or so- the ability to harass or close the Strait of Hormuz. Nonetheless, no one ever considered calling Iran a great power.”
adelvafa@iran0pessimist

democracynow.org/2026/4/9/strai… This is worth a read but it's also worth remembering that Iran always had- starting around 1950ish or so- the ability to harass or close the Strait of Hormuz. Nonetheless, no one ever considered calling Iran a great power. I still think it's entirely too premature to call Iran a great power. Great powers need potentials, conventional methods and proactive elements of great powership, meanwhile Iran's regional power has been asymmetrical and reactive; it gained where America lost after toppling Saddam and the Taliban. A great power needs a blue-water navy to be able to assert its control over trade and defend its trade routes. It needs a working, modern air force as a force multiplier and the ability via logistics and conventional firepower to sustain a large-scale conventional war (something Russia has, for example, but Iran doesn't, as evidenced by its conventional forces performance against Iraq and in Syria). A great power has the means to export its culture beyond its own backyard. A great power has the military, economic and soft power to be taken seriously in diplomacy. Iran so far has proxy power, soft power, missiles and drones. It's not even a top 5 world economy and there's no reason it will be in the next 10 years, despite its enormous human capital. Iran also lacks the potential to be more than a middling power. Great powers are great powers because irrespective of a global framework they can aspire to hegemony. Iran lacks the ability to project power beyond its borders and in some respects still struggles with central authority, despite being highly institutionalized and bureaucratic. Iran, thus, needs to be part of a framework of larger powers- like China's economic initiatives, Russia's defense networks, or even Pax Americana- to derive its power, and as such is inherently constrained by great power interests. Middling powers like Iran are destined to balance great powers to extract benefits, a delicate game which is essentially statesmanship on hard mode. They are too large and powerful to be mere vassals, and they are yet too weak to be assert themselves hegemonically. This isn't a dig at Iran. It's powerful in its own right. But to bathe in grossmachtsfantasie blinds Iranians to global realities, and it plays into Zionist and neocon fearmongering efforts to justify destroying Iran.

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dmolon
dmolon@dmolon167003·
@policytensor @ChowdhuryF33314 Also using other air campaigns like the one against isis as an example it isnt really surprising that crippling blow wasnt imposed with a month and a bit of bombing, and that they never really had a large window to do so due to oil cost factors so they should have bothered etc.
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Mark Dubowitz
Mark Dubowitz@mdubowitz·
I’ve been checking multiple sources and assessments on Iran’s ballistic missile capability. The picture that’s emerging is that Iran has lost roughly half of its ballistic missile arsenal and about half of its missile launchers. Missile production, once estimated at roughly 100 missiles per month, appears to have fallen close to zero. The missile production infrastructure has been decimated. Before the war, Iran was on a trajectory to reach an arsenal of roughly 10,000 ballistic missiles within about two and a half years. Now, estimates suggest the regime is down to roughly 1,000–1,100 missiles remaining — a dramatic degradation of one of Tehran’s most important strategic capabilities. There is a strong argument for major military operations to resume to further degrade this deadly threat.
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dmolon
dmolon@dmolon167003·
@ChowdhuryF33314 @policytensor If you want to say Iran overall won, fine, i think so too. It was a dumb war which should have never have had happened, but lets be realistic of what occurred and why.
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Thanos Angelopoulos
Thanos Angelopoulos@Th_Angelopoulos·
Wilson never used the term “non-White”. Not once. Her analytical term throughout is “non-Greek”aka the Greeks' own civic category, defined by language and custom. You introduced “non-White”, built your argument on it, and are now citing her three pages as proof you were right. You were not. You misquoted her framework and argued against the misquotation. What Wilson actually argues is grounded in the Greek text. Homer calls the Cyclopes ἀθέμιστοι (athemistoi) at 9.106, a term (deriving from the goddess of Justice Themis) meaning “without divine law and social order”. He calls them ἄγριοι (agrioi) at 9.175, the same word he uses for wild animals and storms. He calls them ὑπερφίαλοι (hyperphialoi), meaning overbearing and arrogant. Three distinct concepts. “Savage” collapses all of them into one English word that became systematically associated from the 16th century onward with European descriptions of indigenous peoples across the Americas, Africa, and the Pacific. That history is not in the Greek. Translating ἄγριοι as “savage” adds meaning Homer did not write. When Wilson flags how non-Western peoples are rendered in the text, she is speaking from the perspective of modern readers, not making a claim about how ancient Greeks categorised the world; we know how: Greeks and non Greeks. A modern English reader does not encounter “savage” neutrally. They carry five centuries of its use with them. That is a reception history argument. Wilson is translating for modern readers. That is her job. Her framing is well grounded too. Thucydides in Book VI names the peoples the Greeks displaced in Sicily: the Sicani, the Sicels, the Elymians. Pithecusae was founded c. 770 BC, Naxos on Sicily in 734 BC, Syracuse in 733 BC. Ephorus, preserved in Strabo, records that Ionians were among the earliest settlers at Naxos. Diodorus Siculus, himself a native Sicilian, records in Book V that the pre-Greek peoples of the island lost not only their land but their speech and their name under Greek settlement, all of them eventually called Siceliotae. He is not an outside commentator on this process. He is its product The Ionian cities of western Anatolia are also the region scholars most consistently associate with the composition of the Homeric epics. The Odyssey was composed c. 750-700 BC. Homer and the colonists came from the same cultural world, at the same time the colonists moved into the same waters Homer used in his poem. The historical facts show that Wilson grounds her argument in the recorded accounts of the ancient Greek history. For the record: I do not like Wilson's politics. I do not like Aristotle's politics either; he defended slavery and thought women were defective men. I do not like Plato's politics; he wanted poets expelled and philosophers to rule as kings. None of that stops me from engaging with what they wrote and assessing it on its merits. That is what Wilson did. That is what you refuse to do. You dislike her politics, so you reject her entire work. That is the thing you accuse me of. Oh, the irony 😂
Roman Helmet Guy@romanhelmetguy

@Th_Angelopoulos She literally goes on a three-page diatribe in her introduction about how the story of the Cyclops IS about colonization. You'll just defend anything she does because you like her politics and you're as intellectually dishonest as her.

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Ken Gardner
Ken Gardner@KenGardner11·
@mdubowitz This was, in fact, the Israeli assessment that I read about here right about the time that the ceasefire had started. Which is why I trusted it the most.
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dmolon
dmolon@dmolon167003·
@ryangrim He is happy for others to do it.
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