Moko

May flowers grow in the saddest parts of you.

All minerals rich African countries is where you will find a heavy presence of NGOs. Africa never needed any aid.

Peter Magana Kenyatta (born August 11, 1943) is the elder half-brother of Kenya's fourth president, Uhuru Kenyatta, and the only child of Kenya’s founding father, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, and his second wife, Edna Clarke. Unlike his siblings who pursued prominent roles in Kenyan politics and business, Magana has largely lived a private life in the United Kingdom, where he built a career as a presenter and producer for the BBC. Not much is known about Magana whose presence in Kenya has been fleeting. Magana was raised and educated in the UK after his father returned to Kenya in 1946 to lead the independence struggle. He chose to remain in Britain even after Kenya gained independence and his father became president. He worked for decades at the BBC before retiring. While he was reportedly offered government positions in Kenya during his brother's presidency, he declined them to maintain his life abroad.

Kenya is transforming Africa's largest slum, Kibera into a modern area with a $57 million housing project. The Kibera Housing Project includes 4,465 housing units. It will have a school, health centre, and recreation facilities.

Exposure will save you from being impressed by nonsense

Africa won’t be free until corruption becomes a crime with consequences, not a career with benefits.

Ethiopia is projected to earn $10 billion in export revenue by the end of the current fiscal year, up from less than $3 billion three years ago. The country’s industrial sector growth and the “Made in Ethiopia” initiative are credited for this progress. Ethiopia has also generated about $14.5 billion in import-substitute goods over four years and plans to double that figure. Industrial production capacity has increased from 47% to 67%, alongside more than 2,800 new domestic and foreign investments.

Kenya and Tanzania have set a target of KSh130 billion in new trade and KSh65 billion in fresh cross-border investments. To achieve this ambition, we must deliberately bring down hurdles that hinder free movement of people, goods and services. Business and trade will grow exponentially if non-tariff barriers are eliminated, including border delays, non-harmonised standards, and restricted market access. This is the reason we have set ourselves a June 30, 2026 target to ensure all these barriers are removed. Consequently, our Joint Business Council must become the central platform for structured collaboration. Additionally, the Tanzania-Kenya Business Forum will be institutionalised as an annual event to review progress, track implementation, and unlock new opportunities. With President Samia Suluhu Hassan, we addressed the Tanzania-Kenya Business Forum in Dar es Salaam last evening. The event brought together more than 300 business and private sector people. We reaffirmed our steadfast resolve to provide a stable, predictable, and enabling environment, anchored on regulatory clarity, investor protection, and private sector-led growth

PRESIDENT WILLIAM RUTO vs EAC President @WilliamsRuto has suggested that East Africa phone calls should all work like domestic phone calls! Great idea especially if Tanzania, Kenya , Rwanda and Ugandan leadership agrees to that. EAC AVIATION TAXES While the phone calls issue is important, I think even more important all East African flights should be considered as domestic flights too! A flight between Nairobi and Entebbe will attract more than usd 100 in taxes and yet a flight between Nairobi and Mombasa will be usd 4.65. Tanzania flight taxes are about usd 90 making a flight between Nairobi and Kilimanjaro airport usd 140 in taxes alone. Yet usd 140 should actually be the cost of a ticket between Nairobi and Kilimanjaro airport in Tanzania. Interestingly, the tickets between Dubai and Nairobi are cheaper than entebbe Nairobi at any time. What East African countries are saying directly is that we better have business between us and Dubai than trading within east Africa. The faster and affordably entrepreneurs can move between places, the more business that will be between those places and East African countries shouldn’t short change themselves. For a country like Uganda which is landlocked stands yet expensive access by road, unless rail and aviation becomes cheaper, leaders will be spending time explaining how well we are doing with no reality on the ground. People love moving cheaply and will be happy to spend more on doing business or accommodation or entertainment etc. As long as movement between East African countries is expensive, Intra trade will massively be affected.

Interesting takeaways from the Kenya-Tanzania Business Forum at the Julius Nyerere International Convention Centre in Tanzania: — KCB CEO Paul Russo said the bank has deployed ~$520M (~KES 67.6B) over ~2.5 years into 4 Tanzania-linked transactions, including ~$180M (~KES 23.4B) for a cement acquisition, ~$120M (~KES 15.6B) for fleet/cement assets, ~$110M (~KES 14.3B) for construction and another ~$100M (~KES 13.0B) for an undisclosed facility. — Taifa Gas argued that governments alone cannot fund development and that capital will only follow well-prepared, bankable projects with clear risk allocation. — Amsons Group said it is anchoring regional integration through its ~$300M (~KES 39.0B) Bamburi Cement acquisition, 69% stake in East African Portland Cement, and ~$250M (~KES 32.5B) clinker plant commitment. — Kenya Private Sector Alliance and Tanzania Private Sector Foundation said Kenya–Tanzania anchor a >$200B (~KES 26.0T) economy and 300M+ market, but non-tariff barriers, standards misalignment, border delays and overlapping taxes continue to suppress trade. — The private sector committed to a joint Kenya–Tanzania Business Council, coordinated lobbying against new non-tariff barriers, and more joint ventures. At the same time, Kenya, Tanzania, and Zanzibar chambers signed an MoU on investment access, market intelligence, and trade-barrier resolution. — President Ruto said EAC trade rose 25% to ~$156B (~KES 20.3T) in 2025, while intra-EAC trade rose 28% to ~$19.3B (~KES 2.5T), though it still accounts for only ~12% of total regional trade. Also said that Kenya–Tanzania bilateral trade fell to ~$860M (~KES 111.8B) in 2025 from ~$950M (~KES 123.5B) in 2024, with ~$100M (~KES 13.0B) lost to non-tariff barriers. — Ruto said ~20 non-tariff barriers have been identified for resolution by the end of May 2026, shifting the focus from dialogue to time-bound execution and monitoring. — Ruto confirmed feasibility work for a Tanzania–Mombasa gas pipeline, highlighted the ~500km power interconnector, and set targets of $500M (~KES 65.0B) in new cross-border investments and $1B (~KES 130.0B) in trade over three years. — President Samia said Tanzania Vision 2050 will be ~70% private sector-led, 22% government-led, and 8% public enterprise-led, framing Kenya–Tanzania integration as an execution agenda rather than a diplomatic talking point.

i’m still of the opinion that, even if you weren't raised properly, you’re an adult now, you’ve mixed with people.. learn from them at least.

Mama anasema tuchapwe mikwaju…tutalinda demokrasia kama watoto watovu wa adabu!

Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu says she was not aware of the Tanga oil refinery announcement by President Ruto. She questioned him over why the announcement was made without her knowledge.

What a diplomatic embarrassment in Dar es Salaam.

Governments will create economies that can only be survived by being childless and then wonder why people aren't having children.

In the 1990s, bankers and businessmen who traveled by private jet moved through a world that felt fast, exclusive, and full of opportunity. These trips were often tied to major deals, expansion into new markets, or high level negotiations that required face to face meetings. It was not unusual for them to travel with trusted colleagues and long time partners, people they relied on to handle different parts of a transaction and to provide advice during critical moments. On some occasions, they carried large suitcases filled with cash, especially when working in places where banking systems were slower or less reliable. Having immediate access to money could help secure agreements quickly and show seriousness in negotiations. The cabin of the jet became a private space where sensitive discussions could happen without risk. Life on board combined business with comfort. They sat in wide leather chairs, sometimes reviewing documents, other times simply leaning back to rest. Champagne was often served, marking a successful deal or just easing the tension of constant travel. Cigars added to the atmosphere, with slow conversations drifting between business and personal stories. Meals were carefully prepared, offering a proper lunch even while in the air. After eating, some would sleep, using the quiet cabin to recover before landing and heading straight into meetings. Traveling this way allowed them to stay efficient, maintain strong relationships, and move quickly in a competitive environment.

🚨 This is why Ruto and Samia traded 'blame' over oil refinery. Aliko Dangote has publicly stated that had he known the full extent of the challenges, he would not have embarked on the $20 billion Dangote Petroleum Refinery project. Africa’s largest refinery, with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, overcame significant obstacles including difficult terrain, alleged sabotage, regulatory hurdles, and inconsistent crude supply. It has since achieved full production, transforming Nigeria into a net exporter of petroleum products for the first time in decades, with shipments now reaching markets including Mozambique. However, what's always not said, the project also disrupted a long-standing economic arrangement in which Nigeria exported low-cost crude oil and imported refined products at higher prices — a system that generated substantial profits for international oil traders, European refiners, and local intermediaries. Industry observers note that this shift has faced resistance, including delays in crude allocations and quality disputes, amid concerns from the United States and European partners over the broader implications for global trade flows and Africa’s role as primarily a raw material supplier. (waiting to be exploited) Despite the difficulties, the refinery represents a significant step toward energy self-reliance. That's why Kenya 'demolished' its refinery, and Tanzania can't commit. A scam.

🚨 🇹🇿 🇰🇪 Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan asks Kenya's Ruto to clarify on the issue of building a refinery in Tanga. Ruto, rather embarrassed and pained explains, should he have known, he would've suggested the refinery be built in Mombasa, Kenya. Kenya had a refinery up until 2013 when Changamwe Oil refinery was decommissioned, out of the blues, after Kenya discovered oil in 2012. You are watching presidents tussle over the oil business shenanigans strongly controllee from Western capital. The Changamwe Oil Refinery was established in 1960. It now functions as a storage and distribution facility for imported petroleum products, with Kenya Pipeline Company managing its assets, including 45 storage tanks with a 484-million-liter capacity

And Chivayo was not even the most compromised man in that photograph. Meet the other two. Kudakwashe Tagwirei aka Regimond Mathambo, is sanctioned by not one but two of the world's most powerful governments. The United States designated him under the Magnitsky Act for bribing senior Zimbabwean officials with high-value gifts to seize control of key economic sectors. The United Kingdom imposed a full asset freeze and travel ban after his company, Sakunda Holdings, redeemed Government of Zimbabwe Treasury Bills at up to ten times their official value – a scheme so brazen it collapsed Zimbabwe's currency and put food beyond the reach of ordinary citizens. The UK's Foreign Secretary called it one of the most serious incidences of corruption under the current government. Two governments. Two sanctions regimes. And yet Mnangagwa handed him Zimbabwe's most politically explosive portfolio – chairman of the Presidential Land Tenure Implementation Committee. A committee that deliberately bypasses the constitutionally mandated Zimbabwe Land Commission – the very body the constitution created to prevent exactly this kind of unaccountable power over land. But here is where the architecture of self-dealing becomes staggering in its audacity. The land title deeds programme is being underwritten by CBZ, Zimbabwe's largest bank, in which Tagwirei holds significant undisclosed influence. The digitisation of those title deeds was awarded to Dokuma. The government told the public that Dokuma was a Rwandan company, founded abroad and selected on merit through a proper taskforce process. That narrative has now collapsed. Dokuma was founded in Zimbabwe. It expanded to Rwanda. And on its own website, the company states it has been working on the land tenure committee initiative since 2021 informally, years before any public tender, years before any formal announcement, from the very inception of the programme that Tagwirei himself chairs. Read that again slowly. The company that won the government contract to digitise Zimbabwe's national land records was embedded in the committee that designed the programme quietly, without disclosure, without competition before the contract ever existed. And now, CBZ Holdings is taking a 17.5% stake in Dokuma, the very company it helped position, in a programme it is simultaneously underwriting. This is not a conflict of interest. This is a pipeline – from policy design to vendor selection to contract award to bank acquisition – with the same fingerprints on every door handle. A sanctioned businessman chairs the committee. His bank underwrites the programme. His company was embedded in that committee for years before winning the contract. His bank is now buying into that company. And every Zimbabwean who owns property has been given 24 months to pay into this system – or watch their title deeds rendered legally obsolete. Tempter Paul Tungwarara – Mnangagwa's own Special Advisor, whose remit was expanded in 2026, faces serious criminal complaints on multiple fronts. An Indian businessman alleges he was defrauded of over USD $2 million. A Zimbabwean complainant claims he was swindled out of over USD $350,000. He allegedly overbilled the government for a perimeter wall at State House itself. Those cases are going nowhere. Dockets have vanished. Investigations have stalled in ways that do not happen by accident. When a sitting president's own Special Advisor faces criminal exposure and the dockets disappear, you no longer have a justice system. You have a loyalty programme with a law enforcement budget. So let us be absolutely precise about what that photograph contains: One man whose assets are frozen by South African courts and whose brother is a Hawks fugitive. One man sanctioned by the United States and the United Kingdom for state capture and currency destruction is now chairing a presidential land committee whose bank underwrites the programme, whose company was secretly embedded in that committee for years before winning the contract, and whose bank is now buying into that company. One man – the President's own Special Advisor – is facing multiple criminal fraud complaints running into millions of dollars, whose dockets keep vanishing before they see a courtroom. And one African president who built his entire political identity on fighting state capture, flew in as their guest, smiled for the camera, and apparently asked no questions. This is not a social visit. This is a power structure posing for a portrait. You. Cannot. Make. This. Up. @AdvoBarryRoux @ChrisExcel102 @geoffreyyork @Sophie_Mokoena @Muswatadzi @Hon_Kasukuwere @zimlive @eNCA @News24

Ukipata mdaa pitia online usome kuhusu hizi story; 1. The witches of Bo'ness - 1680 2. The Tunguska event Siberia - 1908 3. The SS waratah - 1912 Matukio ya kweli ya kushangaza yaliotokea duniani miaka ya kale.