murat gunenc
22K posts
@kordelia
Tweets about aspects of life. I tweet in 2 languages for my premium followers
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New York Mayor Mamdani published the text given to him by the Armenian lobby without examining it. No Armenians were killed on April 24. Until World War I, Armenians rebelled approximately forty times. During World War I, taking advantage of the Ottoman Empire’s engagements with the Russian army in the East, they took the final step toward independence. They significantly impaired Ottoman supply and provisioning lines. In addition, by forming armed bands, they started to massacre civilian Turks, Kurds, Circassians, and Arabs living in Eastern Anatolia. When the Ottoman government, despite all its efforts, was unable to prevent the onslaughts of Armenian terrorists, it published the Circular of April 24, which closed Armenian committees such as Dashnaksutyun and Hunchak, and led to the arrest of individuals confirmed to be associated with these organizations. No conflicts occurred during the arrests of April 24, and no prominent Armenian was killed. However, the arrest of the leadership cadre of the committees rendered the potential rebellion leaderless and ineffective. Prominent Armenians did not heed the warnings of Talat Pasha and other statesmen to give up their dream of independence. Armed bands continued their massacres. They killed thousands of Muslims by supporting the Russian army during the siege of Van, which ended with its invasion on May 15. In response to this situation, the Ottoman government was forced to enact deportation measures on 27 May. As the late historian İlber Ortaylı stated, the Armenian deportation of 1915 was not a precaution against a possible rebellion. Rather, the Act of Deportation in 1915 was a response to an actual rebellion and collaboration with the enemy army, and it was inevitable under the circumstances of the time. It was planned that 924,158 people would be deported. However, not all of them were deported. Approximately 650,000 Armenians were deported and transported. Six months later, the deportations were halted. Therefore, the number of deported Armenians was lower. Also, after the Armistice of Mudros in 1918, a significant portion of the deported Armenians had returned to Anatolia. When deportation became inevitable, security measures were taken for the lives and property of the deported Armenians. However, due to either the persecutions of Armenians against the Muslim populace in the hinterland or the personal inadequacies of some individuals, some unwanted events occurred. The Ottoman government investigated the crimes committed during the deportation and punished those responsible.
Clearly targeting Türkiye, 🇫🇷 #Macron says they'll be "there" for 🇬🇷 Greece if its sovereignty is ever challenged. This epic statement from 🇹🇷 FM @HakanFidan is all the diplomatic answer "small European nations" like France will ever need.
When simulation becomes the norm, it weakens the human capacity for discernment. As a result, our social bonds close in upon themselves, forming self-referential circuits that no longer expose us to reality. We thus come to live within bubbles, impermeable to one another. Feeling threatened by anyone who is different, we grow unaccustomed to encounter and dialogue. In this way, polarization, conflict, fear and violence spread. What is at stake is not merely the risk of error, but a transformation in our very relationship with truth.
Because we get asked a lot. The Technological Republic, in brief. 1. Silicon Valley owes a moral debt to the country that made its rise possible. The engineering elite of Silicon Valley has an affirmative obligation to participate in the defense of the nation. 2. We must rebel against the tyranny of the apps. Is the iPhone our greatest creative if not crowning achievement as a civilization? The object has changed our lives, but it may also now be limiting and constraining our sense of the possible. 3. Free email is not enough. The decadence of a culture or civilization, and indeed its ruling class, will be forgiven only if that culture is capable of delivering economic growth and security for the public. 4. The limits of soft power, of soaring rhetoric alone, have been exposed. The ability of free and democratic societies to prevail requires something more than moral appeal. It requires hard power, and hard power in this century will be built on software. 5. The question is not whether A.I. weapons will be built; it is who will build them and for what purpose. Our adversaries will not pause to indulge in theatrical debates about the merits of developing technologies with critical military and national security applications. They will proceed. 6. National service should be a universal duty. We should, as a society, seriously consider moving away from an all-volunteer force and only fight the next war if everyone shares in the risk and the cost. 7. If a U.S. Marine asks for a better rifle, we should build it; and the same goes for software. We should as a country be capable of continuing a debate about the appropriateness of military action abroad while remaining unflinching in our commitment to those we have asked to step into harm’s way. 8. Public servants need not be our priests. Any business that compensated its employees in the way that the federal government compensates public servants would struggle to survive. 9. We should show far more grace towards those who have subjected themselves to public life. The eradication of any space for forgiveness—a jettisoning of any tolerance for the complexities and contradictions of the human psyche—may leave us with a cast of characters at the helm we will grow to regret. 10. The psychologization of modern politics is leading us astray. Those who look to the political arena to nourish their soul and sense of self, who rely too heavily on their internal life finding expression in people they may never meet, will be left disappointed. 11. Our society has grown too eager to hasten, and is often gleeful at, the demise of its enemies. The vanquishing of an opponent is a moment to pause, not rejoice. 12. The atomic age is ending. One age of deterrence, the atomic age, is ending, and a new era of deterrence built on A.I. is set to begin. 13. No other country in the history of the world has advanced progressive values more than this one. The United States is far from perfect. But it is easy to forget how much more opportunity exists in this country for those who are not hereditary elites than in any other nation on the planet. 14. American power has made possible an extraordinarily long peace. Too many have forgotten or perhaps take for granted that nearly a century of some version of peace has prevailed in the world without a great power military conflict. At least three generations — billions of people and their children and now grandchildren — have never known a world war. 15. The postwar neutering of Germany and Japan must be undone. The defanging of Germany was an overcorrection for which Europe is now paying a heavy price. A similar and highly theatrical commitment to Japanese pacifism will, if maintained, also threaten to shift the balance of power in Asia. 16. We should applaud those who attempt to build where the market has failed to act. The culture almost snickers at Musk’s interest in grand narrative, as if billionaires ought to simply stay in their lane of enriching themselves . . . . Any curiosity or genuine interest in the value of what he has created is essentially dismissed, or perhaps lurks from beneath a thinly veiled scorn. 17. Silicon Valley must play a role in addressing violent crime. Many politicians across the United States have essentially shrugged when it comes to violent crime, abandoning any serious efforts to address the problem or take on any risk with their constituencies or donors in coming up with solutions and experiments in what should be a desperate bid to save lives. 18. The ruthless exposure of the private lives of public figures drives far too much talent away from government service. The public arena—and the shallow and petty assaults against those who dare to do something other than enrich themselves—has become so unforgiving that the republic is left with a significant roster of ineffectual, empty vessels whose ambition one would forgive if there were any genuine belief structure lurking within. 19. The caution in public life that we unwittingly encourage is corrosive. Those who say nothing wrong often say nothing much at all. 20. The pervasive intolerance of religious belief in certain circles must be resisted. The elite’s intolerance of religious belief is perhaps one of the most telling signs that its political project constitutes a less open intellectual movement than many within it would claim. 21. Some cultures have produced vital advances; others remain dysfunctional and regressive. All cultures are now equal. Criticism and value judgments are forbidden. Yet this new dogma glosses over the fact that certain cultures and indeed subcultures . . . have produced wonders. Others have proven middling, and worse, regressive and harmful. 22. We must resist the shallow temptation of a vacant and hollow pluralism. We, in America and more broadly the West, have for the past half century resisted defining national cultures in the name of inclusivity. But inclusion into what? Excerpts from the #1 New York Times Bestseller The Technological Republic: Hard Power, Soft Belief, and the Future of the West, by Alexander C. Karp & Nicholas W. Zamiska techrepublicbook.com
