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Justification for Remedial Secession of the South-East Region (Igbo-Biafra) from Nigeria: Igbo-Phobia, Deliberate Targeting, and the Destruction of Igbo Properties and Economic Interests 1The systematic targeting of the Igbo people through violence, discrimination, and economic sabotage has been an enduring characteristic of Nigerian socio-political dynamics. Igbo-phobia—prejudice, discrimination, and hostility toward the Igbo ethnic group—has shaped the experience of the South-East region in Nigeria for decades. This persistent targeting of the Igbo, both through violent means and socio-economic marginalisation, forms a critical part of the case for remedial secession. The deliberate destruction of Igbo-owned properties, the restriction of their economic interests, and the physical harm inflicted upon them in various parts of Nigeria highlight the necessity for a more comprehensive and sustainable resolution, including the possibility of secession as a means of protecting the Igbo people’s economic, social, and political future.Igbo-Phobia: A Systemic and Historical PhenomenonIgbo-phobia is not a recent development. Its roots can be traced back to pre-independence Nigeria and the early years of the Nigerian federation. One of the earliest prominent expressions of this deep-seated animosity occurred in the 1960s, when the Premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, explicitly voiced his distrust of the Igbo people. Bello’s statements reflected a pervasive attitude within certain sections of the Nigerian elite, particularly in the North, where Igbo people were viewed with suspicion due to their entrepreneurial success, educational advancement, and ambition.Bello’s declaration that Igbos should only be employed in the North on a contractual basis, and only when a suitable Northern or expatriate alternative could not be found, institutionalised a policy of exclusion that limited the Igbo people’s ability to secure stable civil service employment in the Northern region. His assertion that the Igbo people were domineering and untrustworthy laid the foundation for the systemic discrimination that would follow. The pogroms against the Igbo in Northern Nigeria in 1966, which marked the beginning of the Nigerian Civil War, were a direct result of the ethnic and political tensions stoked by this Igbo-phobia.These pogroms, during which thousands of Igbo people were killed, and countless others displaced, were the precursors to the Biafran War (1967–1970), a conflict that would see even more Igbo lives lost and properties destroyed. Despite the cessation of hostilities in 1970, the attitudes that fuelled Igbo-phobia have persisted, manifesting in various forms of socio-political and economic discrimination.Igbo-Phobia in Contemporary Nigeria: A Perpetuation of Historical GrievancesIn the contemporary Nigerian political landscape, Igbo-phobia remains a pervasive force. Statements and actions by influential political figures have not only perpetuated but have intensified this deep-seated animosity. For example, during the 2023 election cycle, rhetoric from prominent political actors such as Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), and others such as Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, Kaduna State governor, further stoked ethnic division and hostility toward the Igbo people. Kwankwaso’s remark that it would be “very difficult for the northern voter to vote for a candidate from the South-East” echoed long-held sentiments of ethnic exclusion, effectively dismissing the political aspirations of the Igbo on the basis of their ethnic identity.Furthermore, notable political figures, including President Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), have been accused of fuelling Igbo-phobia through discriminatory rhetoric and policies. The president’s infamous comments in 2017, referring to “those who gave him 5% of the vote” (a thinly veiled reference to the South-East) versus “those who gave him 97%,” implied that the Igbo people would be sidelined in his administration’s policies and decisions. This statement was a clear indication of how political exclusion is not merely a perception but a lived reality for the Igbo people.This rhetoric has been accompanied by more direct expressions of Igbo-phobia, such as calls for the expulsion of Igbo people from Lagos, a state with a significant Igbo population, and even threats of physical violence. For instance, the infamous statement by Musiliu Akinsanya, popularly known as MC Oluomo, who threatened Igbo people not to come out and vote in Lagos during the 2023 elections unless they were voting for certain political candidates, demonstrates how deeply rooted this ethnic animosity has become. These threats and other hostile actions are clear manifestations of ethnic persecution, designed to instil fear and restrict the political and economic participation of the Igbo people in Nigeria’s most populous and economically important state.Destruction of Igbo Properties and Economic InterestsIgbo-phobia has not been confined to rhetoric and political marginalisation. It has also resulted in the deliberate targeting and destruction of Igbo-owned properties and economic interests across Nigeria. The Igbo people, known for their entrepreneurial spirit and significant contributions to commerce, have built thriving businesses in various parts of Nigeria, particularly in cities like Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. However, these economic successes have also made them targets of envy and animosity.In the run-up to the 2023 general elections, Igbo-dominated markets in Lagos, such as Akere Market, were set ablaze by arsonists, with the intention of destroying the economic livelihoods of the Igbo traders. These acts of destruction were not isolated incidents but part of a broader pattern of hostility and economic sabotage directed at the Igbo people. In 2019, similar threats were made by Senator Oluremi Tinubu, the wife of Nigeria’s president-elect, who warned that properties owned by the Igbo in Lagos could be forcefully appropriated if her party lost power in the state. These threats and actions are indicative of a wider campaign to weaken the economic foothold of the Igbo people in Nigeria and to instil fear in their communities.The targeting of Igbo-owned businesses and properties during periods of political unrest or electoral uncertainty has become a recurring feature of Nigeria’s socio-political landscape. These acts of destruction and seizure of Igbo assets are not only economically devastating but also serve to reinforce the message that the Igbo people are not welcome or safe in other parts of Nigeria, further entrenching their status as outsiders within the federation.Igbo-Phobia as a Form of Ethnic CleansingThe violence and destruction of Igbo properties and economic interests are part of a broader strategy that can be characterised as a form of ethnic cleansing. Ethnic cleansing refers to the systematic removal or elimination of a particular ethnic group from a region through violence, intimidation, and other coercive means. While the Nigerian government and political elites may not openly advocate for the extermination of the Igbo people, the pattern of behaviour, particularly the targeting of Igbo businesses, physical attacks, and the political marginalisation of the region, suggest a deliberate effort to undermine the presence and influence of the Igbo across Nigeria.The recurrent outbreaks of violence against Igbo people in Northern Nigeria, as well as in parts of the South-West, demonstrate that Igbo-phobia has deep and far-reaching consequences. These attacks, often framed as spontaneous acts of mob violence, are in fact the result of a sustained campaign of dehumanisation and ethnic scapegoating. Igbo people are often blamed for socio-economic problems in other regions, much like the Jews in pre-World War II Europe, or Nigerians in South Africa today. This scapegoating has led to violent outbursts and pogroms, such as those seen in the 1960s, and continues to manifest today in acts of targeted violence and destruction.Social Media and Online Hate CampaignsThe rise of social media has provided a new platform for the dissemination of Igbo-phobic sentiments. In the lead-up to the 2023 elections, hate speech and incitements to violence against the Igbo people proliferated on platforms like Twitter, with prominent social media influencers and political commentators joining in the attacks. Figures like Reno Omokri and Bayo Onanuga, both with large followings, repeatedly linked the Igbo people’s political aspirations to the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a self-determination group, as a way of delegitimising their right to participate in Nigerian politics. This narrative of equating Igbo political ambitions with secessionist tendencies has fuelled ethnic tension and given justification to those who seek to undermine and attack the Igbo people.The ease with which hateful and divisive content spreads on social media has heightened the threat to Igbo people’s safety and livelihoods, as online hate speech often translates into real-world violence. The systematic use of social media platforms to vilify the Igbo people is yet another dimension of the discrimination they face, further isolating them from mainstream Nigerian society and making them targets for violence.The Argument for Remedial SecessionThe persistence of Igbo-phobia, manifested through targeted violence, economic sabotage, political marginalisation, and online hate campaigns, presents a compelling case for remedial secession. Under international law, a people may pursue secession as a last resort when their rights to equal protection and non-discrimination are systematically violated, and when the state either fails to protect them or is complicit in their persecution. The Igbo people’s experience in Nigeria meets these criteria, as they have been subjected to decades of systemic discrimination, exclusion, and violence, with little to no recourse within the existing political framework.International legal precedents, such as the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion on Kosovo, establish that remedial secession is justified in cases of extreme oppression and discrimination. In the case of the South-East region, the Nigerian state’s inability or unwillingness to address the persistent targeting of the Igbo people, and its failure to provide adequate protection, provide a strong justification for pursuing self-determination through secession.Conclusion: The Urgency of Secession as a Solution to Igbo-PhobiaThe consistent targeting of the Igbo people, both through violence and the deliberate destruction of their economic interests, constitutes a sustained assault on their rights, dignity, and future within the Nigerian federation. The deeply entrenched nature of Igbo-phobia, its historical roots, and its current manifestations make it clear that these challenges are not going away. The systemic discrimination and violence faced by the Igbo people highlight the failure of the Nigerian state to protect one of its largest ethnic groups, creating an environment where secession is not only justified but necessary.Remedial secession provides a path for the Igbo people to safeguard their rights, protect their economic interests, and ensure their political future in a new sovereign state where they can thrive without fear of persecution. The international community must recognise the legitimacy of the Igbo-Biafra people’s claims and support a peaceful resolution that addresses the systemic injustices they have endured. Uche Mefor is the Convenor of the Igbo-Biafra Nationalists and the Indigenous people of Igbo Nation for Self-determination 📷 previous post Cultural, Linguistic, ethnic identity qualifies South East for seeking self-determination – Mefor

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Human Rights violation, marginalization justifying calls for South East self determination Introduction The South-East region of Nigeria, historically inhabited by the Igbo people and often referred to as Igbo-Biafra, is a region marked by a distinct identity and a turbulent relationship with the Nigerian state. Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the Igbo have faced systematic marginalisation, discrimination, and violations of fundamental human rights. This ongoing situation has led to growing calls for self-determination and, ultimately, remedial secession. This article seeks to establish a strong case for the South-East region’s (Igbo-Biafra) justification for remedial secession from Nigeria, grounded in international law and supported by historical, legal, and socio-political evidence. Historical Claim to Independence The concept of self-determination is deeply rooted in the notion of a people’s historical identity. The South-East region of Nigeria, comprising predominantly the Igbo ethnic group, has a distinct linguistic, cultural, and social identity that pre-dates the arbitrary colonial borders established by European powers. The Igbo people have long maintained a unique system of governance and culture, which was disrupted by British colonisation in the late 19th century. Before colonialism, the Igbo practised a form of decentralised governance with autonomous village systems, ensuring significant local political autonomy. The colonial imposition not only disrupted these systems but also grouped the Igbo with other ethnic groups with whom they had little in common, thus sowing the seeds of future conflicts. The forced amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates by the British in 1914 created a geopolitical entity, Nigeria, without consideration for the distinct historical and cultural differences of its peoples. Post-independence, the Igbo have continually faced marginalisation within this artificial state, prompting their attempt to secede in 1967 by declaring the independent Republic of Biafra. Although the secessionist effort was suppressed after a brutal civil war, the grievances that led to the conflict remain unresolved, thus renewing the calls for secession. Gross Human Rights Violations One of the most significant arguments for remedial secession stems from the gross human rights violations committed against a group of people. The Igbo-Biafra region has long suffered such violations, both during and after the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970). The Nigerian Civil War, also referred to as the Biafran War, resulted in the deaths of over one million civilians, primarily from famine caused by the Nigerian government’s blockade of the Biafran territory. This act has been described by many as genocidal in nature. Even after the war, the South-East region has continued to suffer systematic oppression, both politically and economically. The Igbo people face continued discrimination in access to federal resources, political representation, and security. In recent years, there have been numerous documented cases of human rights abuses committed by Nigerian security forces against Igbo protesters advocating for self-determination. Biafra self-determination groups have faced brutal crackdowns, with reports of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and torture. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have both published reports condemning the actions of the Nigerian government, highlighting the pattern of state-sponsored oppression against the Igbo people. These violations, combined with the historical atrocities of the civil war, provide a clear basis under international law for remedial secession, especially as other remedies have proven ineffective. Discrimination and Lack of Representation The Nigerian political system has continually failed to provide adequate representation for the South-East region, further justifying calls for secession. The principle of self-determination, as enshrined in international law, supports the rights of minority groups to seek autonomy when they are systematically excluded from political participation. Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the South-East region has not produced a Nigerian president, despite the region’s significant population and economic contributions. Furthermore, the Igbo people are underrepresented in key federal appointments, a factor that exacerbates their marginalisation. The South-East is also disadvantaged by the unequal allocation of states; while other regions enjoy six or more states, the South-East is limited to five, reducing its political influence in both the Senate and House of Representatives. This structural marginalisation has led to persistent calls for restructuring Nigeria into a more equitable federation. However, these calls have largely been ignored or suppressed by the federal government. The lack of adequate representation and the failure to address long-standing grievances further legitimize the argument for remedial secession. Structural Imbalance and the 2014 National Conference The 2014 National Conference, convened by the Nigerian government to address structural imbalances in the country, provided a significant opportunity to rectify the injustices faced by the South-East region. The conference brought together representatives from all regions to discuss constitutional reforms, including the creation of additional states and greater regional autonomy. Despite the South-East’s active participation in the conference, the recommendations that would have addressed the region’s grievances were largely ignored by the Nigerian government. This disregard for the outcomes of the National Conference highlights the systemic unwillingness to address the structural imbalances that perpetuate the marginalisation of the Igbo people. The failure to implement the recommendations of the National Conference, combined with decades of political exclusion, underscores the exhaustion of internal remedies and reinforces the case for remedial secession. International law supports secession as a last resort when a state consistently fails to uphold the principles of equal rights and representation. Rejection of the Ohaneze Ndigbo Petition The Nigerian government’s rejection of the Ohaneze Ndigbo petition is another critical factor in the case for remedial secession. Ohaneze Ndigbo, the apex socio-cultural organisation of the Igbo, submitted a petition to the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission (the Oputa Panel) in 1999. The petition sought to address historical grievances and human rights violations against the Igbo people, particularly during and after the Nigerian Civil War. Despite the legitimacy of the petition and its call for reconciliation, the Nigerian government dismissed it, showing little interest in addressing the historical injustices that continue to affect the Igbo people. This rejection is symbolic of the broader pattern of neglect and discrimination faced by the South-East region and reflects the state’s unwillingness to pursue meaningful reconciliation. The rejection of these legitimate grievances further reinforces the argument that the South-East region (Igbo-Biafra) has exhausted all available remedies within the Nigerian political framework. Violation of Terms of Surrender At the conclusion of the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, the terms of surrender between the Nigerian government and the Biafran forces included an agreement that any future changes to the country’s political structure would be made by consensus. However, the subsequent creation of states without the involvement or approval of the South-East region represents a clear violation of these terms. The arbitrary increase in the number of states in other regions without addressing the inequalities faced by the South-East has further entrenched the region’s marginalisation. This violation of the terms of surrender weakens the legitimacy of the Nigerian government’s administration over the South-East region and strengthens the case for secession. Conclusion The South-East region (Igbo-Biafra) has a strong and well-founded case for remedial secession based on historical grievances, ongoing human rights violations, and systemic marginalisation. Nigeria’s failure to uphold the principles of equal rights and self-determination, as outlined in international law, undermines its claim to territorial integrity over the South-East region. Remedial secession is a last resort, but given the exhaustion of internal political remedies and the Nigerian state’s consistent failure to address the region’s grievances, it is a justified and necessary option for the South-East (Igbo-Biafra) to protect its rights and ensure the well-being of its people. Uche Mefor is the Convenor of the Igbo-Biafra Nationalists and the Indigenous People of Igbo Nation for Self-determination

Human Rights violation, marginalization justifying calls for South East self determination - Vanguard News share.google/DVclmFFJbcs2lt…

South-East Nigeria’s Legal Right to Self-Determination: Expert Opinion - IPINS share.google/gX1dJL1AuW2KVQ…

The South-East, the Igbo Nation, Alaigbo has a strong case for self-determination, and there are several compelling reasons to support their cause: 1. Changing dynamics: The Biafra of 1967 to 1970 is not the same as the Biafra of today. The geographical configuration has changed, with the old eastern region is now divided into the South East and South South. Many states in the South South region are not willing to join in the restoration of Biafra, making it impractical to revive the old eastern region(Biafra) as it was in 1967. This necessitates a new approach that recognizes the realities of the present. 2. Realistic initiative: Given the unwillingness of other former component nations of Biafra to restore it, it is important to consider a more realistic initiative. It would be unfair to force a restoration that only the Igbo Nation desires. Instead, allowing each component nation to pursue its own self-determination and political status can lead to more meaningful progress and development for all. 3. Self-determination for all: Embracing self-determination for each component nation acknowledges their unique aspirations and allows them to chart their own path towards political and economic development. Granting autonomy or independence to the South-East, the Igbo Nation, Alaigbo as well as other nations within the former Biafra, respects their right to determine their own future and fosters a sense of empowerment and self-governance. 4. Reduced territory does not negate self-determination: Even though the reality as we have it now is that not all the former component nations are willing to restore Biafra, it does not mean that the first Biafra Republic cannot be revived. The territory of the old eastern region may be adjusted or reduced, but this does not invalidate the aspirations of the Igbo people for self-determination. The focus should be on accommodating the desires of willing partners rather than fixating on maintaining the exact boundaries of the past. 5. Diverse Biafran identity: The Biafran identity encompasses various ethnic groups, including Ijaw, Ibibio, Efik, and Anang, alongside the Igbo people. Acknowledging the individual paces of these groups in their pursuit of self-determination allows for a more inclusive approach. If and when the willing partners among these nations form a new alliance (subject to necessity), it can pave the way for a collaborative and cohesive Biafran nation, while respecting the unique identities of each group. Sadly, the possibility of this happening now is remote, hence the option we have on the table. 6. Meeting the criteria for statehood: The Montevideo criteria for statehood, including defined territory, permanent population, effective government, and capacity to engage in international relations, may pose challenges if the former component units of the old eastern region do not unite which is what is happening now. The people bearing the brunt of Biafra Restoration are the Igbo youths who are being extra-judicially incarcerated, if not murdered while our brothers in the South-South are applying delay tactics while these vibrant Igbo sons and daughters who represent the future are being mowed down in their numbers by the rogue security forces drawn from the rank and file of the unprofessional armed forces of the Nigerian state without consequences. The question is: for how long will the Igbo-Biafran youths die before our brethren in the south-south wake up from their slumber? Therefore, by focusing on the self-determination of the South-East, the Igbo Nation, Alaigbo, it becomes more feasible to meet these criteria and establish a stable and recognized, mono-linguistic state if and when the Igbos-Biafrans, the South-Easterners are willing and able to do so. 7. Marginalization and discrimination: The Igbo Nation has faced historical marginalization and discrimination within Nigeria. They have experienced state-sponsored economic and political marginalization, underrepresentation, fewer states and local governments, and the lowest revenue allocation among the regions in Nigeria. Self-determination would provide an opportunity to address these injustices and ensure equal rights and representation for the Igbo people. 8. Regional disparities: The South East region, predominantly inhabited by the Igbo people, has been allocated five states, while other regions in Nigeria have six states each. This disparity highlights the need to address the unequal distribution of resources and political representation. Self-determination would empower the Igbo Nation to advocate for fair and equitable treatment within Nigeria or establish their own political entity where they can determine their own affairs. 9. Individual component nations: The argument that those who died in the pursuit of Biafra freedom did not die for specific component nations but for Biafra as a whole is flawed. Before the adoption of Biafra as a name for the region’s sovereign status, the individuals were natives of their respective component nations. The unwillingness of other component units, fueled by the Nigerian state, aims to prevent the self-determination quest of Biafrans. Therefore, allowing individual component units to seek their own political status, economic development, and social progress in mutual respect and equality is the most viable solution. In conclusion, supporting the self-determination of the Igbo Nation is a valid and justifiable cause. Recognizing the changing dynamics, embracing the aspirations of willing partners, and addressing historical injustices will contribute to a more inclusive and equitable society. By advocating for the Igbo Nation’s self-determination, we promote the principles of fairness, empowerment, and respect for diversity. Uche Mefor writes as the convenor of the Igbo-Biafra Nationalists Movement and the Indigenous People of Igbo Nation for Self-Determination #IgboBiafraNationalists #IBN #IPINS #UcheMefor #SouthEast #Alaigbo #SelfDetermination Tags: Advocates for Ala-Igbo self-determination IBN Igbo-Biafra Nationalists Igbo-Biafra Nationalists Movement Indigenous People of Igbo Nation for Self-determination IPINS