Harper Hollis Bronte

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Harper Hollis Bronte

Harper Hollis Bronte

@HHBronte

Currently wondering why half of my fellow countrymen lost their minds at the the last election. Liberals are toxic air sponges 🧽 #cdnpoli

Eastern Canada's Armpit เข้าร่วม Ocak 2024
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Tristin Hopper
Tristin Hopper@TristinHopper·
Air Canada has gone 43 (!) years without a fatal incident. My entire life up to this point has been lived in a country where the flag carrier never got a single person killed in a crash. The record is a totem to what serious people can accomplish. So naturally, Mark Carney is screaming at them to instead focus on nonsense.
Harrison Faulkner@Harry__Faulkner

PM Mark Carney on Air Canada CEO Michael Rousseau delivering a video address only in English: "I'm very disappointed, as others are, rightly so, in this unilingual message of the CEO...lack of judgement and a lack of compassion."

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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
@saskatchewan_in This is fantastic. Thank you for this. Jeff is embedded in a few anti Poilievre groups. I'll get him to run it on his first. I've had to expand the time frame to 24 hour periods. Yesterday's is still moving with minimal signs of slow down.
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Melanie In Saskatchewan
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in·
Hey @HHBronte this one jumped out at me right away, it really hits everything you were talking about. What’s interesting is how each line feels familiar, almost like you’ve heard it before somewhere. Bits of messaging that have been repeated by Liberal MPs, echoed through media panels, and slowly stitched into the public consciousness. The “no plan” line especially… that one really stuck. And the by-election jab too, it’s one of those narratives that just keeps getting recycled. Even the tone around “hate” came straight out of those panel discussions that run on loop until it becomes accepted as fact. And that last line, you can practically trace it back to House debates and the way it gets picked up and amplified afterward. A search through Hansard will give you names and instances of use. Let me know if you want a hand with that. It’s kind of fascinating to see it all compressed into five lines like this. You weren't kidding about the collective conscious and bias. I think this one might actually be a perfect test piece for Adam to try on his socials for you. I’ll keep an eye out for more like this.
Melanie In Saskatchewan tweet media
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
The volume and intensity of responses elicited by this single stimulus are, in themselves, analytically informative. The dataset generated is sufficiently rich to support multiple lines of inquiry. Preliminary observations suggest a pattern of asymmetrical cognitive processing among individuals exhibiting strong partisan identification. Specifically, participants appear more likely to engage in immediate moral condemnation and affect-driven responses when presented with content perceived as critical of a preferred political figure. In contrast, the same individuals demonstrate markedly reduced engagement in verification or critical evaluation when analogous content targets an opposing figure and aligns with pre-existing beliefs. This pattern is consistent with well-documented mechanisms of confirmation bias and motivated reasoning, wherein congruent information is accepted with minimal scrutiny while incongruent information elicits heightened skepticism and emotional reactivity. Notably, a subset of responses further illustrates a regression toward affective and, at times, juvenile modes of expression, suggesting that strong ideological alignment may impair reflective judgment under conditions of perceived threat or identity challenge. Given these observations, I intend to formalize these findings for presentation and welcome rigorous critique within a peer-reviewed context, where methodological scrutiny and evidentiary standards can be appropriately applied. In layman terms for those who don't understand psychology, people like this Tribble character checked the meme data when they didn’t like it, but would’ve believed it instantly if it fit their views. That’s confirmation bias, and it trips up everyone, not just the people they like to point at. It is an inherent human trait. Also, you lost the bet, so I will see you at my house on Saturday. I look forward to watching you wrestle with Morris. You might want to bring some tuna or catnip. He will be more likely to forgive afterwards.😄Thanks again for the assist!
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Melanie In Saskatchewan
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in·
@2Tribbs @HHBronte Do you want to tell him or should I? Should we tell him about this experiment for your peer reviewed submission on confirmational bias to Journal of Experimental Psychology or your submission to PsyArXiv... or do we let him continue proving your theory?
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Melanie In Saskatchewan
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in·
Oh no!!!! Whatever will the elbowzos crowd bitch about now!?! 🤣🤣🤣
Melanie In Saskatchewan tweet media
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
@saskatchewan_in @InHoloWeTrust @grok I even commented on some that you had a disclaimer. Thanks for helping me with this. When I submit my findings to PsyArXiv and JEP (Journal of Experimental Psychology for those not in the industry) can I use your full real name as the asset?
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Melanie In Saskatchewan
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in·
Well you were right... most people a)won't read past the headline, or meme in this case, and b) the only time leftists fact check anything is to protect their useless leader. I even followed your recommendation and made two posts... one saying I was duped because I was in a hurry and forgot due diligence that went mostly unnoticed, and another one about how I wish it were true... that one got about 100 hits out of the 245K who have seen this. So since I lost the bet, yes.. I will come over soon and sit on your cat so you can clip her claws and shave out the mats🤣 I hope you still have those chainsaw gloves...
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David Whitehead
David Whitehead@TruthWarriorDad·
@saskatchewan_in @kmhboiler Fake. Also, there are more deranged libs across America than the entire Canadian population. Canada pop: 40,403,600 USA pop: 348,600,000
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Marc Nixon
Marc Nixon@MarcNixon24·
Federal government appeals to Supreme Court on ruling over use of Emergencies Act with Freedom Convoy The courts found the liberals broke the law & broke Canadians chartered rights The reason they won’t let this one go is because Mark Carney was the advisor of the Trudeau govt
Marc Nixon tweet media
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
@grok fact check this claim from the post: "courts, including a 2022 Ontario Superior Court injunction, ruled Convoy blockades illegal occupations" Did any Ontario Superior Court decision in 2022 actually rule or declare the Freedom Convoy / Ottawa protest an "illegal occupation"? Yes or no - straight answer only, no partials or qualifiers.
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Harper Hollis Bronte รีทวีตแล้ว
🇨🇦 Hammer 🇨🇦
🇨🇦 Hammer 🇨🇦@HammerTime_11·
@MarcNixon24 Same courts found the Freedom Convoy itself to be illegal, Now what?
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
Nice try rewriting history to prop up your narrative, but courts didn't declare the entire Freedom Convoy an 'illegal occupation.' What actually happened: Ontario Superior Court Justice Hugh McLean issued a temporary injunction on Feb 7, 2022 (later extended 60 days) banning incessant air horns/train horns in downtown Ottawa because the noise was causing potential hearing damage and violating residents' quiet enjoyment. He explicitly said protesters could continue a 'peaceful, lawful and safe protest' as long as they obeyed the order and stopped the honking. (Go see the order itself: no blanket illegality on the protest.) There was no sweeping Ontario Superior Court ruling branding the whole downtown presence an 'illegal occupation.' Specific disruptive tactics, like nonstop blasting horns or blocking the Ambassador Bridge, got targeted injunctions because they crossed into nuisance/mischief territory under existing laws. But the core assembly? Courts didn't outlaw it wholesale. Meanwhile, the Federal Court (2024, upheld on appeal) ruled the government's Emergencies Act invocation WAS illegal and a Charter violation, exactly the overreach critics called out. So spare us the selective memory. If you're going to claim courts called it an 'illegal occupation,' cite the actual decision instead of regurgitating cop/political talking points from 2022. Facts don't care about your feelings or your spin.
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
@MarcNixon24 Melanie did a great piece on this. Connects all the dots in a way that even the dumbest liberals can understand x.com/saskatchewan_i…
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in

Full article here👇 The Emergency That Was Never Meant to End Mar 17, 2026 The “new government” continues exactly where the last one left off. You don’t need to read the ruling to feel like you already know how this ends. Two courts said the government went too far. So now the same government is asking a higher court to say it didn’t. And a surprising number of Canadians aren’t waiting for the answer. They’re waiting to see if their expectations get confirmed. I’ve tried to approach this the way you’re supposed to. Start with the facts. Keep it clean. Let the conclusions come later. But there’s a point where pretending you haven’t been watching starts to feel like part of the problem. Because most Canadians didn’t just watch the convoy. We lived through it. And more importantly, we lived through what came after. Canada didn’t split politely over that moment. It fractured. Half the country saw something dangerous that needed to be shut down before it spread. The other half saw people who had run out of ways to be heard and decided to make themselves impossible to ignore. Neither side trusted the other. That part hasn’t changed. And into that abyssal divide, the federal government reached for a power no Canadian government had ever used before. The Emergencies Act. Not debated in theory. Not held in reserve. Used. In real time, against Canadians. Bank accounts were frozen. Financial pressure replaced persuasion. Authorities were handed powers that had been sitting untouched for decades, waiting for a moment serious enough to justify using them. We were told this was that moment. Necessary. Measured. Within the law. And to make sure Canadians believed that, a mandatory inquiry was called. A formal process led by Justice Paul Rouleau, designed to answer the one question that mattered. Did the government meet the legal threshold to do this? After weeks of testimony, documents, and procedure, the answer came back exactly as the government needed it to. Yes. It was justified. For a brief moment, that felt like the end of the story. Not agreement, but at least something predictable and official to point to. Then the courts stepped in. And this is where things stopped lining up. The Federal Court reviewed the same decision and found it didn’t meet the legal standard. Not a grey area. Not a close call. Outside the limits Parliament had set. Then the Federal Court of Appeal looked again and came to the same conclusion. Unreasonable. Beyond authority. A breach of rights. Two courts. Same answer. If you still believe the system corrects itself, that’s usually where it happens. Except it didn’t. Because instead of stepping back, the government kept going. Another appeal. Another attempt. This time to the Supreme Court. And this is where it stops feeling like a legal process and starts feeling like something else entirely. Because the Prime Minister now leading that appeal is not separate from the moment it all began. Mark Carney was already inside the orbit of power when the convoy unfolded. Not front and centre, but close enough to it. Advising. Influencing. Part of the environment where decisions like this are shaped. And before any court ruled, before any legal threshold was tested, he made his position clear. In the Globe and Mail, he described what was happening as “sedition” and argued that those involved should be “identified and punished.” Financially, if necessary. That wasn’t a conclusion reached after due process. That was a judgment made in real time. Then he became Prime Minister. First through a leadership race. Then through a general election built on a single, repeated message. This would be a new government he said. Not Trudeau’s. Not the same approach. A break from what came before. And yet here we are. Same decision. Same defence. Same argument. Just carried forward by someone who had already publicly supported it before he ever held the office now defending it. At some point you stop calling that a transition. You call it continuity. And maybe once upon a time, that would have surprised me. Now it doesn’t. Now it feels exactly like what we’ve been watching for years. Which brings us to the Supreme Court. This is where the final answer will come from. The place where the Emergencies Act will, for the first time, be clearly defined in terms of what a government is actually allowed to do when it decides the moment calls for extraordinary power. And presiding over that moment is Chief Justice Richard Wagner. Before ever hearing this case, before weighing evidence or arguments, he had already spoken publicly about the convoy in terms that were anything but neutral. In comments widely reported and paraphrased across available sources, he characterized what happened as “the beginning of anarchy where some people have decided to take other citizens hostage,” and said such actions should be “denounced with force by all figures of power in the country.” Those are not cautious, reserved judicial observations. They read like conclusions. And they were delivered publicly, without presiding over the case, without hearing evidence, and without applying the legal test that now sits before the Court. The legality of the government’s response to that same event now lands before the  ery bench he leads. Same facts. Same moment. Same question. You don’t need to prove bias for that to sit wrong. You just have to be paying attention. And that’s where I find myself now. Part of me still reacts to it. Still feels that brief, flaming flicker of disbelief when you line everything up and see how neatly it fits together. The other part of me is already past that. Because after the last decade, after watching how often conflicts are explained away, by sweeping them under the rug, how often ethical lines are blurred until they barely register, how often Canadians are told to accept things that would have ended careers not that long ago… It would almost be more surprising if the government lost this appeal. That’s the uncomfortable part. Not the anger, but rather the expectation. Because if you’ve been paying attention, really paying attention, you start to recognize the pattern. Decisions get made. Lines get crossed. Questions get raised. And somehow, the system that’s supposed to hold it all together keeps finding a way to absorb it instead of correcting it. Investigations that go nowhere. Watchdogs that look the other way. Institutions that were supposed to check power slowly adapting to accommodate it. The monumental waste of tax dollars for this B-grade Liberal performative nonsense is inexcusable. After a while, that stops feeling like a series of isolated failures. It starts to feel like the baseline. So now this case arrives at the Supreme Court, after two lower courts have already said the government went too far, and a lot of Canadians aren’t sitting back waiting to be convinced. They’re already expecting the outcome. Not because they trust the process. But because they don’t. And that’s the part that should bother people, no matter which side of the convoy they stood on. Because if the Court rules in the government’s favour, it will confirm what many have already come to expect. And if it rules against the government… Well. Let’s just say that’s the kind of moment that would genuinely catch people off guard. The kind where you stop, read it again, maybe out loud, just to make sure you didn’t misunderstand what you’re looking at. Because for a growing number of Canadians, the idea of a fully independent system that consistently holds power to account doesn’t feel like a guarantee anymore. It feels like something that needs to be proven. And it hasn’t been proven often enough lately to make people confident it will be now. By the time this finishes its path through the courts, Canadians will have spent somewhere in the range of twenty two to twenty three million dollars arguing about whether the government was allowed to do something it has already done. That money didn’t come from nowhere. It came from the same people still trying to keep up. The ones who lost jobs and are still rebuilding. The ones who didn’t, but feel like they’re falling behind anyway. The ones who supported the convoy and the ones who didn’t, still standing on opposite sides of a country that hasn’t really come back together since. And that leaves one final question. Not whether the Emergencies Act was justified, the Court will answer that. But whether we’ve reached a point where the outcome feels decided long before the ruling ever arrives. And whether that, more than anything else, is the real cost of all of this. Melanie 👇 buymeacoffee.com/melanieinsaska… 👇 open.substack.com/pub/melanieins…

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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in

Full article here👇 The Emergency That Was Never Meant to End Mar 17, 2026 The “new government” continues exactly where the last one left off. You don’t need to read the ruling to feel like you already know how this ends. Two courts said the government went too far. So now the same government is asking a higher court to say it didn’t. And a surprising number of Canadians aren’t waiting for the answer. They’re waiting to see if their expectations get confirmed. I’ve tried to approach this the way you’re supposed to. Start with the facts. Keep it clean. Let the conclusions come later. But there’s a point where pretending you haven’t been watching starts to feel like part of the problem. Because most Canadians didn’t just watch the convoy. We lived through it. And more importantly, we lived through what came after. Canada didn’t split politely over that moment. It fractured. Half the country saw something dangerous that needed to be shut down before it spread. The other half saw people who had run out of ways to be heard and decided to make themselves impossible to ignore. Neither side trusted the other. That part hasn’t changed. And into that abyssal divide, the federal government reached for a power no Canadian government had ever used before. The Emergencies Act. Not debated in theory. Not held in reserve. Used. In real time, against Canadians. Bank accounts were frozen. Financial pressure replaced persuasion. Authorities were handed powers that had been sitting untouched for decades, waiting for a moment serious enough to justify using them. We were told this was that moment. Necessary. Measured. Within the law. And to make sure Canadians believed that, a mandatory inquiry was called. A formal process led by Justice Paul Rouleau, designed to answer the one question that mattered. Did the government meet the legal threshold to do this? After weeks of testimony, documents, and procedure, the answer came back exactly as the government needed it to. Yes. It was justified. For a brief moment, that felt like the end of the story. Not agreement, but at least something predictable and official to point to. Then the courts stepped in. And this is where things stopped lining up. The Federal Court reviewed the same decision and found it didn’t meet the legal standard. Not a grey area. Not a close call. Outside the limits Parliament had set. Then the Federal Court of Appeal looked again and came to the same conclusion. Unreasonable. Beyond authority. A breach of rights. Two courts. Same answer. If you still believe the system corrects itself, that’s usually where it happens. Except it didn’t. Because instead of stepping back, the government kept going. Another appeal. Another attempt. This time to the Supreme Court. And this is where it stops feeling like a legal process and starts feeling like something else entirely. Because the Prime Minister now leading that appeal is not separate from the moment it all began. Mark Carney was already inside the orbit of power when the convoy unfolded. Not front and centre, but close enough to it. Advising. Influencing. Part of the environment where decisions like this are shaped. And before any court ruled, before any legal threshold was tested, he made his position clear. In the Globe and Mail, he described what was happening as “sedition” and argued that those involved should be “identified and punished.” Financially, if necessary. That wasn’t a conclusion reached after due process. That was a judgment made in real time. Then he became Prime Minister. First through a leadership race. Then through a general election built on a single, repeated message. This would be a new government he said. Not Trudeau’s. Not the same approach. A break from what came before. And yet here we are. Same decision. Same defence. Same argument. Just carried forward by someone who had already publicly supported it before he ever held the office now defending it. At some point you stop calling that a transition. You call it continuity. And maybe once upon a time, that would have surprised me. Now it doesn’t. Now it feels exactly like what we’ve been watching for years. Which brings us to the Supreme Court. This is where the final answer will come from. The place where the Emergencies Act will, for the first time, be clearly defined in terms of what a government is actually allowed to do when it decides the moment calls for extraordinary power. And presiding over that moment is Chief Justice Richard Wagner. Before ever hearing this case, before weighing evidence or arguments, he had already spoken publicly about the convoy in terms that were anything but neutral. In comments widely reported and paraphrased across available sources, he characterized what happened as “the beginning of anarchy where some people have decided to take other citizens hostage,” and said such actions should be “denounced with force by all figures of power in the country.” Those are not cautious, reserved judicial observations. They read like conclusions. And they were delivered publicly, without presiding over the case, without hearing evidence, and without applying the legal test that now sits before the Court. The legality of the government’s response to that same event now lands before the  ery bench he leads. Same facts. Same moment. Same question. You don’t need to prove bias for that to sit wrong. You just have to be paying attention. And that’s where I find myself now. Part of me still reacts to it. Still feels that brief, flaming flicker of disbelief when you line everything up and see how neatly it fits together. The other part of me is already past that. Because after the last decade, after watching how often conflicts are explained away, by sweeping them under the rug, how often ethical lines are blurred until they barely register, how often Canadians are told to accept things that would have ended careers not that long ago… It would almost be more surprising if the government lost this appeal. That’s the uncomfortable part. Not the anger, but rather the expectation. Because if you’ve been paying attention, really paying attention, you start to recognize the pattern. Decisions get made. Lines get crossed. Questions get raised. And somehow, the system that’s supposed to hold it all together keeps finding a way to absorb it instead of correcting it. Investigations that go nowhere. Watchdogs that look the other way. Institutions that were supposed to check power slowly adapting to accommodate it. The monumental waste of tax dollars for this B-grade Liberal performative nonsense is inexcusable. After a while, that stops feeling like a series of isolated failures. It starts to feel like the baseline. So now this case arrives at the Supreme Court, after two lower courts have already said the government went too far, and a lot of Canadians aren’t sitting back waiting to be convinced. They’re already expecting the outcome. Not because they trust the process. But because they don’t. And that’s the part that should bother people, no matter which side of the convoy they stood on. Because if the Court rules in the government’s favour, it will confirm what many have already come to expect. And if it rules against the government… Well. Let’s just say that’s the kind of moment that would genuinely catch people off guard. The kind where you stop, read it again, maybe out loud, just to make sure you didn’t misunderstand what you’re looking at. Because for a growing number of Canadians, the idea of a fully independent system that consistently holds power to account doesn’t feel like a guarantee anymore. It feels like something that needs to be proven. And it hasn’t been proven often enough lately to make people confident it will be now. By the time this finishes its path through the courts, Canadians will have spent somewhere in the range of twenty two to twenty three million dollars arguing about whether the government was allowed to do something it has already done. That money didn’t come from nowhere. It came from the same people still trying to keep up. The ones who lost jobs and are still rebuilding. The ones who didn’t, but feel like they’re falling behind anyway. The ones who supported the convoy and the ones who didn’t, still standing on opposite sides of a country that hasn’t really come back together since. And that leaves one final question. Not whether the Emergencies Act was justified, the Court will answer that. But whether we’ve reached a point where the outcome feels decided long before the ruling ever arrives. And whether that, more than anything else, is the real cost of all of this. Melanie 👇 buymeacoffee.com/melanieinsaska… 👇 open.substack.com/pub/melanieins…

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Martyupnorth®- Unacceptable Fact Checker
Why are Canadians calling for Chief Justice Richard Wagner of the Supreme Court of Canada to recuse himself from the upcoming appeal of the Emergencies Act case? Easy. He's biased. In April 2022 (while the Ottawa protests were ongoing) Chief Justice Wagner made strong public statements criticizing the convoy: * He described it as the start of "anarchy." * He said protesters were holding citizens "hostage." * He reportedly characterized aspects of it in terms like "sedition" in interviews and remarks. These comments came before any full legal determination by any courts on the Act's use. This creates a reasonable apprehension of bias (the legal test for recusal in Canada). Any fair-minded observer might question whether he can impartially hear the appeal, given his pre-judgment of the facts and events central to the case. Question is; will he recuse himself?
Martyupnorth®- Unacceptable Fact Checker tweet media
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Harper Hollis Bronte
Harper Hollis Bronte@HHBronte·
Melanie In Saskatchewan@saskatchewan_in

Full article here👇 The Emergency That Was Never Meant to End Mar 17, 2026 The “new government” continues exactly where the last one left off. You don’t need to read the ruling to feel like you already know how this ends. Two courts said the government went too far. So now the same government is asking a higher court to say it didn’t. And a surprising number of Canadians aren’t waiting for the answer. They’re waiting to see if their expectations get confirmed. I’ve tried to approach this the way you’re supposed to. Start with the facts. Keep it clean. Let the conclusions come later. But there’s a point where pretending you haven’t been watching starts to feel like part of the problem. Because most Canadians didn’t just watch the convoy. We lived through it. And more importantly, we lived through what came after. Canada didn’t split politely over that moment. It fractured. Half the country saw something dangerous that needed to be shut down before it spread. The other half saw people who had run out of ways to be heard and decided to make themselves impossible to ignore. Neither side trusted the other. That part hasn’t changed. And into that abyssal divide, the federal government reached for a power no Canadian government had ever used before. The Emergencies Act. Not debated in theory. Not held in reserve. Used. In real time, against Canadians. Bank accounts were frozen. Financial pressure replaced persuasion. Authorities were handed powers that had been sitting untouched for decades, waiting for a moment serious enough to justify using them. We were told this was that moment. Necessary. Measured. Within the law. And to make sure Canadians believed that, a mandatory inquiry was called. A formal process led by Justice Paul Rouleau, designed to answer the one question that mattered. Did the government meet the legal threshold to do this? After weeks of testimony, documents, and procedure, the answer came back exactly as the government needed it to. Yes. It was justified. For a brief moment, that felt like the end of the story. Not agreement, but at least something predictable and official to point to. Then the courts stepped in. And this is where things stopped lining up. The Federal Court reviewed the same decision and found it didn’t meet the legal standard. Not a grey area. Not a close call. Outside the limits Parliament had set. Then the Federal Court of Appeal looked again and came to the same conclusion. Unreasonable. Beyond authority. A breach of rights. Two courts. Same answer. If you still believe the system corrects itself, that’s usually where it happens. Except it didn’t. Because instead of stepping back, the government kept going. Another appeal. Another attempt. This time to the Supreme Court. And this is where it stops feeling like a legal process and starts feeling like something else entirely. Because the Prime Minister now leading that appeal is not separate from the moment it all began. Mark Carney was already inside the orbit of power when the convoy unfolded. Not front and centre, but close enough to it. Advising. Influencing. Part of the environment where decisions like this are shaped. And before any court ruled, before any legal threshold was tested, he made his position clear. In the Globe and Mail, he described what was happening as “sedition” and argued that those involved should be “identified and punished.” Financially, if necessary. That wasn’t a conclusion reached after due process. That was a judgment made in real time. Then he became Prime Minister. First through a leadership race. Then through a general election built on a single, repeated message. This would be a new government he said. Not Trudeau’s. Not the same approach. A break from what came before. And yet here we are. Same decision. Same defence. Same argument. Just carried forward by someone who had already publicly supported it before he ever held the office now defending it. At some point you stop calling that a transition. You call it continuity. And maybe once upon a time, that would have surprised me. Now it doesn’t. Now it feels exactly like what we’ve been watching for years. Which brings us to the Supreme Court. This is where the final answer will come from. The place where the Emergencies Act will, for the first time, be clearly defined in terms of what a government is actually allowed to do when it decides the moment calls for extraordinary power. And presiding over that moment is Chief Justice Richard Wagner. Before ever hearing this case, before weighing evidence or arguments, he had already spoken publicly about the convoy in terms that were anything but neutral. In comments widely reported and paraphrased across available sources, he characterized what happened as “the beginning of anarchy where some people have decided to take other citizens hostage,” and said such actions should be “denounced with force by all figures of power in the country.” Those are not cautious, reserved judicial observations. They read like conclusions. And they were delivered publicly, without presiding over the case, without hearing evidence, and without applying the legal test that now sits before the Court. The legality of the government’s response to that same event now lands before the  ery bench he leads. Same facts. Same moment. Same question. You don’t need to prove bias for that to sit wrong. You just have to be paying attention. And that’s where I find myself now. Part of me still reacts to it. Still feels that brief, flaming flicker of disbelief when you line everything up and see how neatly it fits together. The other part of me is already past that. Because after the last decade, after watching how often conflicts are explained away, by sweeping them under the rug, how often ethical lines are blurred until they barely register, how often Canadians are told to accept things that would have ended careers not that long ago… It would almost be more surprising if the government lost this appeal. That’s the uncomfortable part. Not the anger, but rather the expectation. Because if you’ve been paying attention, really paying attention, you start to recognize the pattern. Decisions get made. Lines get crossed. Questions get raised. And somehow, the system that’s supposed to hold it all together keeps finding a way to absorb it instead of correcting it. Investigations that go nowhere. Watchdogs that look the other way. Institutions that were supposed to check power slowly adapting to accommodate it. The monumental waste of tax dollars for this B-grade Liberal performative nonsense is inexcusable. After a while, that stops feeling like a series of isolated failures. It starts to feel like the baseline. So now this case arrives at the Supreme Court, after two lower courts have already said the government went too far, and a lot of Canadians aren’t sitting back waiting to be convinced. They’re already expecting the outcome. Not because they trust the process. But because they don’t. And that’s the part that should bother people, no matter which side of the convoy they stood on. Because if the Court rules in the government’s favour, it will confirm what many have already come to expect. And if it rules against the government… Well. Let’s just say that’s the kind of moment that would genuinely catch people off guard. The kind where you stop, read it again, maybe out loud, just to make sure you didn’t misunderstand what you’re looking at. Because for a growing number of Canadians, the idea of a fully independent system that consistently holds power to account doesn’t feel like a guarantee anymore. It feels like something that needs to be proven. And it hasn’t been proven often enough lately to make people confident it will be now. By the time this finishes its path through the courts, Canadians will have spent somewhere in the range of twenty two to twenty three million dollars arguing about whether the government was allowed to do something it has already done. That money didn’t come from nowhere. It came from the same people still trying to keep up. The ones who lost jobs and are still rebuilding. The ones who didn’t, but feel like they’re falling behind anyway. The ones who supported the convoy and the ones who didn’t, still standing on opposite sides of a country that hasn’t really come back together since. And that leaves one final question. Not whether the Emergencies Act was justified, the Court will answer that. But whether we’ve reached a point where the outcome feels decided long before the ruling ever arrives. And whether that, more than anything else, is the real cost of all of this. Melanie 👇 buymeacoffee.com/melanieinsaska… 👇 open.substack.com/pub/melanieins…

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Tablesalt 🇨🇦🇺🇸
Tablesalt 🇨🇦🇺🇸@Tablesalt13·
🚨BREAKING Canada APPEALS ruling that Emergencies Act was UNJUSTIFIED for the Trucker's Convoy, to the Supreme Court SCC Chief Justice Wagner in 2022: "What we saw [...] here was the beginning of anarchy where certain people decided to take other citizens hostage"
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