Chris Weller

Male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria in Germany show a keen interest in forming relationships with local women, but the local women show little interest in forming relationships with them. Germany, in particular, received over 1,4 million refugees between 2014 and 2016, predominantly from Muslim-majority countries such as Syria and Afghanistan. The majority of these arrivals consisted of young, single men within prime marriageable age brackets. This study examines partnership preferences of male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria who arrived in Germany between 2014 and 2016 and female residents of similar age. Overall, our results indicate a high level of openness among male refugees towards partnering with female members of the resident population, but a comparatively low level of openness among the latter towards partnering with recently arrived male refugees. This implies a substantial incongruence in partnership preferences among the two groups. Regarding the educational level of a potential partner, we found that all respondents prefer highly educated partners over those with lower levels of education. This suggests that, for refugees, securing a highly educated partner might serve as a means of upward social mobility and integration into higher-status networks in the host society. Furthermore, it is possible that highly educated women, due to their greater exposure to diverse social environments and potentially less discriminatory attitudes, are perceived as more open to intergroup partnerships, making them a more attractive choice for refugees seeking acceptance and social integration. On the other hand, the reluctance of resident women to accept partnerships with refugees is largely explained by their rejection of the ‘imported’ religious Islam. It is possible that resident women perceive the religious practices of newly arrived refugees as different from their own, reinforcing a social distance that limits intergroup partnerships. Moreover, this reluctance might not only reflect religious differences but also concerns about gender norms or perceived lifestyle incompatibilities.

Male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria in Germany show a keen interest in forming relationships with local women, but the local women show little interest in forming relationships with them. Germany, in particular, received over 1,4 million refugees between 2014 and 2016, predominantly from Muslim-majority countries such as Syria and Afghanistan. The majority of these arrivals consisted of young, single men within prime marriageable age brackets. This study examines partnership preferences of male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria who arrived in Germany between 2014 and 2016 and female residents of similar age. Overall, our results indicate a high level of openness among male refugees towards partnering with female members of the resident population, but a comparatively low level of openness among the latter towards partnering with recently arrived male refugees. This implies a substantial incongruence in partnership preferences among the two groups. Regarding the educational level of a potential partner, we found that all respondents prefer highly educated partners over those with lower levels of education. This suggests that, for refugees, securing a highly educated partner might serve as a means of upward social mobility and integration into higher-status networks in the host society. Furthermore, it is possible that highly educated women, due to their greater exposure to diverse social environments and potentially less discriminatory attitudes, are perceived as more open to intergroup partnerships, making them a more attractive choice for refugees seeking acceptance and social integration. On the other hand, the reluctance of resident women to accept partnerships with refugees is largely explained by their rejection of the ‘imported’ religious Islam. It is possible that resident women perceive the religious practices of newly arrived refugees as different from their own, reinforcing a social distance that limits intergroup partnerships. Moreover, this reluctance might not only reflect religious differences but also concerns about gender norms or perceived lifestyle incompatibilities.

Male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria in Germany show a keen interest in forming relationships with local women, but the local women show little interest in forming relationships with them. Germany, in particular, received over 1,4 million refugees between 2014 and 2016, predominantly from Muslim-majority countries such as Syria and Afghanistan. The majority of these arrivals consisted of young, single men within prime marriageable age brackets. This study examines partnership preferences of male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria who arrived in Germany between 2014 and 2016 and female residents of similar age. Overall, our results indicate a high level of openness among male refugees towards partnering with female members of the resident population, but a comparatively low level of openness among the latter towards partnering with recently arrived male refugees. This implies a substantial incongruence in partnership preferences among the two groups. Regarding the educational level of a potential partner, we found that all respondents prefer highly educated partners over those with lower levels of education. This suggests that, for refugees, securing a highly educated partner might serve as a means of upward social mobility and integration into higher-status networks in the host society. Furthermore, it is possible that highly educated women, due to their greater exposure to diverse social environments and potentially less discriminatory attitudes, are perceived as more open to intergroup partnerships, making them a more attractive choice for refugees seeking acceptance and social integration. On the other hand, the reluctance of resident women to accept partnerships with refugees is largely explained by their rejection of the ‘imported’ religious Islam. It is possible that resident women perceive the religious practices of newly arrived refugees as different from their own, reinforcing a social distance that limits intergroup partnerships. Moreover, this reluctance might not only reflect religious differences but also concerns about gender norms or perceived lifestyle incompatibilities.

Male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria in Germany show a keen interest in forming relationships with local women, but the local women show little interest in forming relationships with them. Germany, in particular, received over 1,4 million refugees between 2014 and 2016, predominantly from Muslim-majority countries such as Syria and Afghanistan. The majority of these arrivals consisted of young, single men within prime marriageable age brackets. This study examines partnership preferences of male refugees from Afghanistan and Syria who arrived in Germany between 2014 and 2016 and female residents of similar age. Overall, our results indicate a high level of openness among male refugees towards partnering with female members of the resident population, but a comparatively low level of openness among the latter towards partnering with recently arrived male refugees. This implies a substantial incongruence in partnership preferences among the two groups. Regarding the educational level of a potential partner, we found that all respondents prefer highly educated partners over those with lower levels of education. This suggests that, for refugees, securing a highly educated partner might serve as a means of upward social mobility and integration into higher-status networks in the host society. Furthermore, it is possible that highly educated women, due to their greater exposure to diverse social environments and potentially less discriminatory attitudes, are perceived as more open to intergroup partnerships, making them a more attractive choice for refugees seeking acceptance and social integration. On the other hand, the reluctance of resident women to accept partnerships with refugees is largely explained by their rejection of the ‘imported’ religious Islam. It is possible that resident women perceive the religious practices of newly arrived refugees as different from their own, reinforcing a social distance that limits intergroup partnerships. Moreover, this reluctance might not only reflect religious differences but also concerns about gender norms or perceived lifestyle incompatibilities.

The Pentagon is preparing for weeks of ground operations in Iran, U.S. officials tell the Washington Post, as thousands of American soldiers and Marines arrive in the Middle East for what could become a dangerous new phase of the Iran War, exposing U.S. personnel to an array of threats, including Iranian drones and missiles, ground fire and improvised explosive, should the decision to escalate by made by President Donald J. Trump. Any potential ground operation would fall short of a full-scale invasion and could instead involve raids by a mixture of Special Operations forces and conventional infantry troops, said the officials. Options include the possible seizure of Kharg Island, a key Iranian oil export hub in the Persian Gulf, and raids into other coastal areas near the Strait of Hormuz to find and destroy weapons that can target commercial and military shipping, with one official setting the potential timeline at “a couple of months.”

"Es ist an der Zeit, der Realität ins Auge zu sehen: Während die israelischen Streitkräfte beeindruckende strategische Erfolge erzielen, gewinnt der Iran diesen Krieg nach Punkten. Das ursprüngliche Ziel der Kämpfe, der von Trump und Netanjahu versprochene Regierungswechsel in Teheran, ist schlichtweg gescheitert. Die Iraner haben dies verhindert und den Konflikt von Anfang an zu einem regionalen und globalen Krieg ausgeweitet, der ihre Nachbarn mit weitaus größerer Wucht als Israel trifft. Sie haben einen globalen Energiekrieg entfacht, dessen Auswirkungen jeder amerikanische Bürger beim Einkaufen deutlich zu spüren bekommt. Ja, uns wird zwar täglich versichert, wir hätten ein weiteres Hundertstel ihrer Kapazitäten zerstört, doch faktisch gewinnen sie sowohl im Libanon als auch im Iran schlichtweg, weil sie überleben. Man sollte sich nicht täuschen lassen: Sie bestimmen das Tempo und kontrollieren die Rüstungswirtschaft. Wohlgemerkt, die Huthis haben an den Ereignissen gar nicht teilgenommen und dienen lediglich als Reserve. Eines muss ganz klar gesagt werden: Die israelischen Streitkräfte leisten phänomenale Arbeit. Sie haben die iranischen Machthaber mit erstaunlicher Präzision ausgeschaltet und verdienen dafür höchstes Lob. Doch die Realität in Israel sieht völlig anders aus. Israel ist belagert. Es gibt fast keine Flüge mehr. Der einzige noch aktive israelische Flughafen befindet sich in Taba. Das Bildungssystem ist seit einem Monat lahmgelegt, und der Schaden für die israelische Wirtschaft und die israelischen Schüler ist immens. Im Norden leben die Menschen unter Beschuss, die Regierung ist völlig zusammengebrochen. IDF-Soldaten sitzen im Libanon wie Enten auf einem Schießstand. Während wir nach Norden und Osten blicken, rüstet Gaza in erschreckendem Tempo auf, und die Hamas bereitet uns bereits auf das nächste Massaker von Netanjahu vor. In den besetzten Gebieten haben jüdische Terrororganisationen die vollständige Kontrolle übernommen. Innerhalb Israels haben kriminelle Organisationen den arabischen Sektor unter ihre Kontrolle gebracht. Die Regierung, die lieber sterben würde, als sich freiwillig zu melden, beschloss zynischerweise, 400.000 Reservisten einzuberufen, obwohl die tatsächliche Reservearmee nur etwa halb so groß ist und täglich schrumpft. Selbst am Morgen nach dem Massaker von Netanjahu, als sich alle Rentner freiwillig meldeten, zählte die tatsächliche Reservearmee nur etwa 300.000 Soldaten. Wie konnte es so weit kommen? Die Antwort liegt im Führungsversagen von Benjamin Netanjahu und Donald Trump. Netanjahu verkaufte Trump mit einem verschmitzten Augenzwinkern die falsche Vorstellung eines „schnellen historischen Sieges“. Trump, in seinem Narzissmus, glaubte Netanjahu und nicht seinen loyalen Beratern. Diese beiden Narzissten unterschätzten den Iran genauso, wie Netanjahu die Hamas am Vorabend des Massakers unterschätzt hatte. Trumps Drohungen sind peinlich und hohl geworden und erinnern an die peinlichen Drohungen von Ben Gvir und den Ultraorthodoxen gegen Netanjahu: „Fangt mich, ich mache euch in 48 Stunden platt“, „In fünf Tagen zerschmettere ich euch“, „In zwei Wochen bringe ich sie an die Spitze“. Dies ist ein erschreckendes Beispiel amerikanischer Schwäche, das an Putins Scheitern in der Ukraine erinnert, als er glaubte, ein Land an einem Wochenende unterwerfen zu können. Letztendlich kommt es auf eine Person an. Ein Premierminister, der bis zum Hals in Strafanzeigen steckt, ist ungeeignet, ein Land zu führen. Netanjahu ist ein notorischer Zocker, der uns Hunderte von Entführungen, Tausende von Toten und Zehntausende von Verletzten eingebrockt hat. Die rücksichtslose Ideologie „Lieber sterben als einrücken“, die er zur Machterhaltung vertrat, hat die Armee und den Zusammenhalt Israels von innen heraus zerstört. Die größte Bedrohung für Israels Sicherheit, den Nahen Osten und die freie Welt ist Benjamin Netanjahu und seine gestörte Familie. Die ganze Welt muss endlich aufwachen und erkennen, dass dieser Mann und seine Familie gestoppt werden müssen und dass ihr Platz hinter Gittern ist, genau wie bei Milosevic, Ceausescu und ihresgleichen."