Republic Somalilander

@mustafaadam Are you going give Juxa time to speak you reer Bari midgan ye or ni

@CivicPulseh6nc @MiddleEast_24 Habar Kinter Flag

@MiddleEast_24 Crazy

Saudi-Backed Forces Open Fire on Supporters of the State of South Arabia Video footage circulating online appears to show Saudi-backed forces opening fire on demonstrators supporting the independence of the State of South Arabia. According to activists, the protesters were participating in a peaceful rally and were unable to complete the reading of their statement after gunfire erupted, forcing the gathering to end abruptly. The footage shows demonstrators dispersing amid the shooting as the event was cut short.

@bartholomew47 @imanmali Bitch ass

@imanmali When will Puntland play in the World Cup

EMBARRASSING! 🙈 Haiti, a nation with almost no football infrastructure and endless challenges at home, being eliminated from the World Cup is understandable. But Türkiye? A football-mad country with packed stadiums, massive investment, and stars across Europe? 🇭🇹 Haiti and 🇹🇷 Türkiye are officially the FIRST two nations eliminated from the 2026 World Cup. One exit was expected. The other is a national embarrassment. 🤦‍♂️⚽️ #WorldCup2026 #Turkey #Türkiye #FIFAWorldCup #FootballFail

@BashaReport Hooyada usheeg

We can confirm that Somaliland’s trade representative in Aden, Yemen, Idris Aadan Raage, was detained by authorities in Aden last week. Many assumed he was detained by the Houthis. While the circumstances remain unclear, the detention appears to have come after a Somaliland National Day event held on 18 May, which was attended by figures associated with the @STCSouthArabia and where the former South Yemen (PDRY) flag was reportedly raised. The development comes despite long-standing ties between Aden and Somaliland. Hargeisa hosts a large Yemeni expatriate community, while Somaliland and southern Yemen have maintained close historical, commercial, and people-to-people links for decades. Trade between the two sides remains significant, particularly in livestock exports and maritime commerce across the Gulf of Aden. Somaliland authorities are reportedly engaged with Yemeni officials in efforts to secure the release of Idris Aadan Raage.

@survivalAlerts We are Jewish no longer qureysh change your name dhilo

Like the supporters of president Cirro should tell him to get a Grey checkmark, like how can you be a supporter and not stand on business?

@mustafaadam @foritssake Who cares about Abti the dhilo that give birth to him was a dhilo

@foritssake Liban is a half Puntlander Malabaani Aqoonyahan who defends his father's side-HSM/Malabaani in clan politics and always talks shyt about his other side of his-Puntland.

Puntland’s Federalizing Army and Decentralized Bargaining: Liban’s Perspective on Clan, State, and Federal Negotiation Dynamics One of the key insights Liban draws from the ongoing federalization of the Somali National Army (SNA) is that security institutions have themselves become central negotiation arenas in Somalia’s state‑building project. Rather than a purely technical process of integrating forces, Liban understands the current use of SNA membership as a bargaining chip—by both clan‑based militias and federal member states—as evidence that power‑sharing, resource‑sharing, and security architecture are being renegotiated through decentralized and multilayered interactions across the country. From Liban’s perspective, the crucial lesson is that decentralized negotiation over security, resources, and authority is not an anomaly or a sign of state “failure”; it is the very mechanism through which the Somali state is being reconstituted in ways that better reflect the country’s clan and regional diversity. He sees three interlocking levels at work: - Clan constituencies, which mobilize fighters and demand recognition, resources, and institutional voice. - Regional states, which seek to preserve autonomy while leveraging locally raised forces to bargain with Mogadishu. - The federal government, which uses formal SNA structures, salaries, and recognition to extend its reach into the regions. In this framework, Liban argues that clan‑based militias should not be read only as spoilers, but also as political actors whose integration into formal security structures can be used to channel their claims into structured bargaining over representation and resource allocation. When these actors negotiate their status through SNA integration—rather than entirely outside formal institutions—they effectively “federalize from below,” turning the army into a shared platform for renegotiating the federal compact. Liban’s interpretation aligns with broader research on Somalia’s hybrid federalism and clan‑based power‑sharing. Studies of the 4.5 system and of decentralized political structures emphasize that Somali governance has repeatedly relied on negotiated, clan‑anchored arrangements rather than top‑down centralization. In this light, the ongoing contestation around the army’s composition, deployment, and command is not a distraction from constitutional state‑building, but one of its main vehicles. As Liban sees it, the closer security bargaining stays to the lived realities of clan and regional diversity, the more likely it is that the emerging federal order will enjoy real, grounded legitimacy. On this reading, the “federalization of the army” is best understood not simply as a security‑sector reform, but as a distributed negotiation mechanism through which Somali actors continually adjust the balance between autonomy and unity. For Liban, this is the core lesson: by accepting and structuring these decentralized negotiations—rather than trying to bypass them—the Somali state can be rebuilt in a way that actually matches the plural, layered character of Somali society. *** References (clickable sources) 1. Fox, A. (2019). Negotiation education: An institutional approach. *Military Review, 99*(1), 71–81. armyupress.army.mil/Journals/Milit… 2. West Point Combating Terrorism Center. (2024). The Somali National Army versus al‑Shabaab: A net assessment. *CTC Sentinel*. ctc.westpoint.edu/the-somali-nat… 3. Hoehne, M. V. (2015). *Between Somaliland and Puntland: Marginalization, militarization and conflicting political visions*. Rift Valley Institute. riftvalley.net/publication/be… 4. Solewicz, S., & Mayall, J. (1995). *A study of decentralised political structures for Somalia*. United Nations. peacemaker.un.org/sites/default/… 5. Strategic Journals. (2016). Factors influencing power sharing system in Somalia. *The Strategic Journal of Business & Change Management, 3*(2), 877–897. strategicjournals.com/index.php/jour…

@Oligarchow @IsmailOguelleh Are you going cry under every post you little Habar jeclo adoon

This is the real face of Djiboutian 🇩🇯 agents loyal to no flag, no nation and no cause. Three years ago, they were cheering for their uncle, Muse Bihi. Today, they are busy defending their dictator, @IsmailOguelleh. Their only loyalty is to whatever benefits them. Alert ‼️ The misinformation campaign against the Israel–Republic of Somaliland partnership is not coming only from the failed state of Somalia 🇸🇴 but it is also being pushed by tiny Djibouti 🇩🇯 and it’s agents. #Somaliland

@Abdiwadani This is who you are

Bebeyaashii aanu Adhi Cadeeye ku qabsanay baan u jeedaa!

@DekBinanle Naag ba tahy

Karkaar - Nugaal to Mudug👮‍♂️

@Sumeya_garaad @Abdiwadani @yasin1449 She was a dhilo and he was alcoholic who used to have a boyfriend in Hargaysa he was the bottom

@VisaMagicas @Abdiwadani @yasin1449 Allah haunaxariisto Ali gabadha nah Allah haubarakeeyo guur keda maa adiga isla rabay ninka yahuday

Kusocda dheh 😂

@DekBinanle Why are we getting removed from your space? You weak landgab this what makes people in Puntland want to burn it down

@PhiloSomalia @AHHirad @Dahirhasan @SomaliainUSA Why do you follow me around you little landgab likcase to remove me

@AHHirad @Dahirhasan @SomaliainUSA Welcome to the nation’s capital mudane wasiir.

I made a courtesy visit to the Somali Embassy in Washington, DC, where I held a fruitful meeting with Ambassador @Dahirhasan, @SomaliainUSA During our discussion, I briefed the Ambassador on the latest security, economic, social, and political developments in the Northeastern State of Somalia (NES). I appreciate the Ambassador’s time and continued engagement on matters important to our region.

@IDhegoole @MOHAMED5494887 @AliSamattar Free 2023

@MOHAMED5494887 @AliSamattar Dhulbahante hadaan jirin gunimad ku noolaan laheyd

Xanuunka Cusub ee Puntland iyo Deni ee Bartan Twitter Space ka aadka ugu Fiday maxaa lagu Daawayn karaa..? Qofka waxaan aheen Puntland Puntland iyo Deni Deni laga maqli maayo labadaa Botton keliya ayaa furan.😂 in kastoo Dhanka positive ka ay inoo sheegay Powerka Puntland.

@yasihade Hawiye burn there own houses down the Syrian is lucky

Streets of Mogadishu: Somalian are assaulting a young Syrian refugee, who is selling some goods in the street to survive they also recording to make jokes about it🥲 It is sad when a whole country fails in all aspect of life and humanity

Tiih ayeey ku jiraan kooxda Deni. Ma jirin wax SL la dhihi jiray 1960. Ma jirin calan ay lahayd oo sax ahaa. Ma jirin reer Waqooyi mid ahaa. In beentaan la qoro waxaa sabab u ah saaqidnimada siyaasadeed ee PL ku habsatay iyo faham darada say Wlhi. Eebow Caafimaad🤲

@Abdiwadani @yasin1449

@yasin1449 Next time, Caadi usoo gal Dhulbahante dadka ma remove gareeyaa. Midkaa Adaan madoobe iyo kaa ciidagale Miyaadan u jeedin ?

@MoAbdiyare @HUDHUDNES

@HUDHUDNES Mar walbo Somalia xoogeeda ma isticmaaleyso 😀

Amiiro majoogtidoo 😂

Soomaaliya iyo Somaliland 🤝 Midnimada lasheego waa 1960 July 1. Marka ay halkaa joogto Somaliland la'aanteed wax midnimo layiraahdo oo dhacaysaa miyaa jirta . Qorshe Midnimo miyaa laga shaqaynayaa mise Qorshe kale. Wixii Qiiro japan ah iyo oohin been ah waa meesheeda lakiin waa muhiim luuqada oranaysa eray caan baxay ee Midnimo Midnimo Midnimo . Shaqo dhab ah ayey u baahantahay Ee uma baahna sheeko baraleey aan waxba ka jirin.

@MukhtarAlaska @DifaacaSomalia

@DifaacaSomalia AI miyaa mise waa dhab? 😂