Mostafa Beshkar

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Mostafa Beshkar

Mostafa Beshkar

@Beshkar

Associate Professor of Economics at @IndianaUniv International Trade and Investment. My account in Persian: @MostafaBeshkar

Indiana, USA Katılım Haziran 2009
646 Takip Edilen849 Takipçiler
Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
Today, I had the pleasure to talk about Shah Tahmasp’s industrial policy (nudged by an Ottoman trade blockade) that gave us the Iranian rug. Thanks to the Persian program at @IndianaUniv for the opportunity.
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Naeimeh Doustdar
Naeimeh Doustdar@NaeimehDoustdar·
این یادداشت را به عنوان یک عضو مجمع کنگره آزادی ایران و یکی از اعضای هیات رییسه این کنگره، در پاسخ به نقدهایی که جسته و گریخته منتشر می‌شود، می‌نویسم؛ نه با فرو رفتن در دریای واژه‌ها و برچسب‌ها بلکه با ساده‌ترین زبان در مقابل ساده‌ترین ابهامات: شکل دادن یک کنگره برای آزادی ایران نه تنها حق طبیعی اعضا و ناظران، بلکه لازمه هر تلاش دموکراتیک است که این بار گروهی متکثر بانی آن شده‌اند. هیچ ساختار سیاسی تازه‌تأسیسی، به‌ویژه در شرایط پراکندگی اپوزیسیون ایران، از خطا و نارسایی مصون نیست و اتفاقا تفاوت یک روند دموکراتیک با ساختارهای بسته در همین امکان نقد، اصلاح و بازنگری است. با این حال، بخشی از نقدهای مطرح‌شده، بدون توجه کافی به ماهیت مرحله‌ گذار و موقت کنگره مطرح می‌شود. کنگره آزادی ایران نه محصول یک حزب یکپارچه و دارای سلسله‌مراتب تثبیت‌شده، بلکه نتیجه تلاش برای گردهم‌آوردن طیف‌های متنوع، متکثر و گاه متعارض سیاسی، مدنی و قومی است؛ روندی که طبیعتا در مرحله نخست نمی‌توانست با الگوی یک انتخابات سراسری، کامل و از پیش نهادینه‌شده پیش برود. مجمع اولیه و ساختار سه‌ماهه، از ابتدا به‌عنوان یک سازوکار موقت برای آغاز فرآیند تعریف شد، نه یک ساختار تثبیت‌شده و دائمی. هدف این بود که امکان آغاز همکاری و شکل‌گیری حداقلی از انسجام فراهم شود تا در ادامه، زمینه برای تدوین سازوکارهای شفاف‌تر و انتخاباتی گسترده‌تر ایجاد شود. تبدیل این مرحله انتقالی به نشانه‌ای از «مهندسی قدرت» یا نفی کامل مشروعیت کنگره، نادیده گرفتن واقعیت‌های عملی تشکیل چنین ائتلاف گسترده‌ای است. در عین حال، روشن است که کنگره باید درباره معیارهای عضویت، نحوه معرفی افراد، جایگاه احزاب، نقش مستقل‌ها و سازوکار اصلاحات آینده شفاف‌تر عمل کند. این مطالبه‌ای مشروع است و بسیاری از اعضای کنگره نیز بر ضرورت آن تأکید دارند. اما تفاوت مهمی میان نقد برای اصلاح و القای بی‌اعتباری کلی یک پروژه سیاسی وجود دارد. درباره احزاب نیز باید توجه داشت که کنگره از ابتدا صرفا بر پایه سهمیه‌بندی حزبی شکل نگرفت. هدف، ایجاد ترکیبی از نیروهای حزبی، شخصیت‌های مستقل، فعالان مدنی، زنان، جوانان و نمایندگان گرایش‌های مختلف بوده است. در چنین ساختاری، طبیعی است که همه افراد حاضر الزاما «نماینده رسمی» یک حزب نباشند. بسیاری از کنشگران سیاسی در سال‌های اخیر، خارج از قالب‌های سنتی حزبی فعالیت کرده‌اند و حذف آنان به بهانه نداشتن معرفی‌نامه رسمی، خود می‌تواند بازتولید انحصار سیاسی باشد. همچنین مساله ملیت‌ها و حقوق جمعی نیز موضوعی اساسی و نیازمند گفت‌وگوی جدی است. اما تقلیل مشارکت نیروهای کرد، بلوچ یا دیگر گروه‌ها صرفا به این پرسش که کدام حزب چه سهمی دارد، می‌تواند دوباره جامعه متکثر ایران را تنها از دریچه ساختارهای سنتی سیاسی تعریف کند. کنگره هنوز در آغاز راه است و اتفاقا این مباحث باید در فضایی باز، شفاف و بدون حذف متقابل ادامه پیدا کند. اگر قرار باشد هر تلاش اولیه برای همگرایی، پیش از تثبیت ساختارها، با ادبیاتی مواجه شود که عملا کل پروژه را فاقد مشروعیت معرفی می‌کند، نتیجه نه دموکراسی بیشتر، بلکه بازتولید همان پراکندگی تاریخی اپوزیسیون خواهد بود؛ پراکندگی‌ای که جمهوری اسلامی همواره از آن سود برده است. #کنگره_آزادی_ایران نیازمند اصلاح، شفافیت و پاسخگویی بیشتر است، اما هم‌زمان نیازمند فرصتی برای تکامل تدریجی نیز هست.
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Mathematica
Mathematica@mathemetica·
Today, May 12, we celebrate the birthday of Maryam Mirzakhani (1977–2017) - the first woman and first Iranian to win the Fields Medal. Her groundbreaking work on Riemann surfaces and moduli spaces continues to inspire mathematicians worldwide. May 12 is now International Women in Mathematics Day.
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Yoto V. Yotov
Yoto V. Yotov@YotovG·
IV-PPML-HDFE. We are happy to introduce an instrumental-variable Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood estimator with high-dimensional fixed effects. We also provide a robust and user-friendly ‘ivppmlhdfe’ package for Stata and Julia. More details here 👇 ideas.repec.org/p/drx/wpaper/2…
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Mohammad Reza Farzanegan
Mohammad Reza Farzanegan@MR_Farzanegan·
@Beshkar I was just checking if there’s evidence for the statement in my earlier reply. One poll isn’t enough; we need consistent, multi-year data. I hope the US president views the letter positively. ارادتمند
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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
Mohammad jan, this is not about the difference in methodology. One source is easily shown to be part of the regime’s propaganda and you shouldn’t have used it to begin with. But if you think 52% approval rating from the population in your enemy’s country is low, then we can discuss that. I think that’s remarkably high.
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Mohammad Reza Farzanegan
Mohammad Reza Farzanegan@MR_Farzanegan·
@Beshkar You know that these two polls are hardly comparable due to differences in methodology and timing. In the letter you shared, it refers to “consistent opinion polls over recent years.” Does the poll you mentioned above actually support this claim?
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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
@MR_Farzanegan @WVS_Survey You cited a source that’s totally discredited to support your argument. That source says 90% of Iranians are anti-American, which is a laughable claim. After making such a strong argument based on a discreditrd source I don’t think it’s fair to say you’re not taking a side.
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Mohammad Reza Farzanegan
Mohammad Reza Farzanegan@MR_Farzanegan·
@Beshkar Finally, I have no stake in defending either side here. My only point is that each survey approach has its own issues, so describing attitudes as “remarkably high regard” seems stronger than what the evidence can support. And still we can look at @WVS_Survey
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Mohammad Reza Farzanegan
Mohammad Reza Farzanegan@MR_Farzanegan·
@Beshkar I would still be cautious with the phrase “remarkably high regard” in a letter to Trump. A result of 52% favorable versus 39% unfavorable is positive, but hardly overwhelming, 👇
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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
@MR_Farzanegan Also, for those who care, take a look at Gamaan's opinion poll: "Regarding other countries’ and international institutions’ favorability, 52% said to have a positive view of the USA while 39% have a negative view" gamaan.org/2021/10/27/ira…
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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
I am very surprised that you are actually citing the work of Ebrahim Mohseni who claims that according to his opinion poll in 2015-2018 the majority of Iranians wanted the Iranian regime to intensify the implementation the Islamic law. "دولت در اجرای قوانین اسلامی شدت عمل به خرج دهد" dw.com/fa-ir/دانشگاه-مریلند-چگونه-در-ایران-نظرسنجی-کرده-است/a-42473416 For those who don't know, please google Ebrahim Mohseni (in Farsi) to learn more about him.
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Maryam
Maryam@maryam1saeedi·
4 Nobel laureates and 100+ economists urge Trump: don't bomb Iran's infrastructure. It won't reopen Hormuz. It will spike oil prices and strengthen the IRGC. forms.gle/wxZ92Gmpi4Drmc…
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Maryam
Maryam@maryam1saeedi·
4 Nobel laureates and 100+ economists urge Trump: don't bomb Iran's infrastructure. It won't reopen Hormuz. It will spike oil prices and strengthen the IRGC. @nytimes @WSJ @washingtonpost @CNN @FoxNews @USATODAY
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar

Open Letter from Economists to @realDonaldTrump On Iran forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt… Dear President Trump, While we share the Administration's concerns about the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) nuclear program and destabilizing activities, strikes on Iranian civilian infrastructure, including power plants, industries, bridges, and universities, some of which have already begun, are strategically counterproductive, escalating costs to Americans while reducing our ability to achieve America’s objectives. Iran's ability to disrupt the Strait of Hormuz through mines, fast-attack boats, coastal missiles, and drones does not depend on power plants or refineries. Destroying civilian infrastructure removes Iran's incentive to reopen the Strait; it does not remove its capability to close it. Striking infrastructure devastates the livelihood of 92 million civilians, the very people this war was partly started to liberate. Aside from its resulting humanitarian crisis, it will further widen the scope of the war and allow the IRGC to position themselves as defenders of the nation, and rebuild their badly damaged internal support. Infrastructure strikes and a prolonged war also let them blame economic misery on foreign aggression rather than their own mismanagement. Consistent opinion polls over recent years show that Iranians hold the United States in remarkably high regard. A military strategy that disregards their well-being risks squandering one of America's most valuable — and underutilized — assets in the Middle East: the goodwill of the Iranian people. Beyond Iran, the cost to the United States is immense. Extended closure of the Strait, sustained high oil prices, and extensive damage to production facilities in the region would hurt American consumers directly. Moreover, with lost leverage for achieving peace and a more entrenched IRGC, the risk of this intervention becoming a years-long war in the Middle East goes up dramatically. Your earlier approach to limit the war to targeting IRGC military assets and top leadership, combined with conditional sanctions relief as leverage for behavioral change and termination of the nuclear threat, is still our best hope for getting to a sustainable peace, an open Strait, and avoiding economic damage at home. Once the war ends, the IRGC must answer to their own population, and your policies have already weakened them and changed their calculus. You may well have opened the path to a more moderate Iran in the coming months and years if we can close the deal now, but that option vanishes as soon as infrastructure attacks expand. --- See signatories here: forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt…

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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
“Consistent opinion polls over recent years show that Iranians hold the United States in remarkably high regard. A military strategy that disregards their well-being risks squandering one of America's most valuable — and underutilized — assets in the Middle East: the goodwill of the Iranian people.”
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar

Open Letter from Economists to @realDonaldTrump On Iran forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt… Dear President Trump, While we share the Administration's concerns about the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) nuclear program and destabilizing activities, strikes on Iranian civilian infrastructure, including power plants, industries, bridges, and universities, some of which have already begun, are strategically counterproductive, escalating costs to Americans while reducing our ability to achieve America’s objectives. Iran's ability to disrupt the Strait of Hormuz through mines, fast-attack boats, coastal missiles, and drones does not depend on power plants or refineries. Destroying civilian infrastructure removes Iran's incentive to reopen the Strait; it does not remove its capability to close it. Striking infrastructure devastates the livelihood of 92 million civilians, the very people this war was partly started to liberate. Aside from its resulting humanitarian crisis, it will further widen the scope of the war and allow the IRGC to position themselves as defenders of the nation, and rebuild their badly damaged internal support. Infrastructure strikes and a prolonged war also let them blame economic misery on foreign aggression rather than their own mismanagement. Consistent opinion polls over recent years show that Iranians hold the United States in remarkably high regard. A military strategy that disregards their well-being risks squandering one of America's most valuable — and underutilized — assets in the Middle East: the goodwill of the Iranian people. Beyond Iran, the cost to the United States is immense. Extended closure of the Strait, sustained high oil prices, and extensive damage to production facilities in the region would hurt American consumers directly. Moreover, with lost leverage for achieving peace and a more entrenched IRGC, the risk of this intervention becoming a years-long war in the Middle East goes up dramatically. Your earlier approach to limit the war to targeting IRGC military assets and top leadership, combined with conditional sanctions relief as leverage for behavioral change and termination of the nuclear threat, is still our best hope for getting to a sustainable peace, an open Strait, and avoiding economic damage at home. Once the war ends, the IRGC must answer to their own population, and your policies have already weakened them and changed their calculus. You may well have opened the path to a more moderate Iran in the coming months and years if we can close the deal now, but that option vanishes as soon as infrastructure attacks expand. --- See signatories here: forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt…

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Mostafa Beshkar
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar·
Fellow economists, please consider signing this letter to President Trump on Iran. #EconTwitter #Economics
Mostafa Beshkar@Beshkar

Open Letter from Economists to @realDonaldTrump On Iran forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt… Dear President Trump, While we share the Administration's concerns about the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) nuclear program and destabilizing activities, strikes on Iranian civilian infrastructure, including power plants, industries, bridges, and universities, some of which have already begun, are strategically counterproductive, escalating costs to Americans while reducing our ability to achieve America’s objectives. Iran's ability to disrupt the Strait of Hormuz through mines, fast-attack boats, coastal missiles, and drones does not depend on power plants or refineries. Destroying civilian infrastructure removes Iran's incentive to reopen the Strait; it does not remove its capability to close it. Striking infrastructure devastates the livelihood of 92 million civilians, the very people this war was partly started to liberate. Aside from its resulting humanitarian crisis, it will further widen the scope of the war and allow the IRGC to position themselves as defenders of the nation, and rebuild their badly damaged internal support. Infrastructure strikes and a prolonged war also let them blame economic misery on foreign aggression rather than their own mismanagement. Consistent opinion polls over recent years show that Iranians hold the United States in remarkably high regard. A military strategy that disregards their well-being risks squandering one of America's most valuable — and underutilized — assets in the Middle East: the goodwill of the Iranian people. Beyond Iran, the cost to the United States is immense. Extended closure of the Strait, sustained high oil prices, and extensive damage to production facilities in the region would hurt American consumers directly. Moreover, with lost leverage for achieving peace and a more entrenched IRGC, the risk of this intervention becoming a years-long war in the Middle East goes up dramatically. Your earlier approach to limit the war to targeting IRGC military assets and top leadership, combined with conditional sanctions relief as leverage for behavioral change and termination of the nuclear threat, is still our best hope for getting to a sustainable peace, an open Strait, and avoiding economic damage at home. Once the war ends, the IRGC must answer to their own population, and your policies have already weakened them and changed their calculus. You may well have opened the path to a more moderate Iran in the coming months and years if we can close the deal now, but that option vanishes as soon as infrastructure attacks expand. --- See signatories here: forms.gle/FhHPRpbWAvURSt…

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