David S. Kabamba

@MtongaAndrew5 Okay kulibe che na ma rally were everyone is regalia 🤔🤔 it's either you brought in people or went around the community to hand out regalia before the rally.

How do you expect to win when you are just forcing people to attend the rally and threatening them that their jobs will be terminated if they don't vote for you? Don't be overshadowed by the crowds, HH is pulling at his rallies, people are being transported like goods.

@andre_lesa What else is there besides believing and hoping? I sound naive but what made you ( if you voted for him that is) believe HH will do whatever he promised before 12/08/2021?

I have a genuine question: what is it that makes people believe Mundubile will do all that?

@KXDDNOSLEEP 😂😂😂 hmmmmm niyabwanji iyi

Guys nivibola che 😂

@Chibeza2019 But people not in Parliament will say the borrowing is not in excess

@Davidkabamba6 The minister looked guilty with shame

Told him right to his Face 😭

Hi guys! I’m looking for inspiring young Zambians to feature on an upcoming podcast. I’m interested in people whose education has helped shape them into impactful leaders, founders, innovators, creatives, professionals, or changemakers. Not necessarily the most famous, but just people with authentic stories that can inspire others and to highlight the power of financing education. RT if you can!

@Sherancis1 Somehow UPND supporters won't condemn this. They see no wrong.

This afternoon during our peaceful road show in Kalingalinga-Mtendere, Lusaka, police fired tear gas at our members and innocent citizens in an attempt to stop our campaign. No amount of intimidation will stop us Brian Mundubile NRPUP Presidential Candidate

Another excellent tribute on Dr Scott by SS. “Guy Scott didn’t see himself as a white Zambian, but as a Zambian”…The days of ethnic minorities in Zambian politics are long gone. There’s non after Andrew Sadanis, Simon Zukas, Depak Patel etc. Are we becoming less inclusive? #RIP

@GomaHilary The biggest economy in the world has been a democracy from inception and never had a president rule for more than 8 years

@GomaHilary ***dictators

If poverty alleviation is truly our purpose, then an overdue intellectual discussion on our governance system is urgently needed. 5-year election cycles cannot deliver sustained progress — even within the same party. A change of ruling party makes it far worse. #Zambia

Lusaka City Council announces 90% progress on kafue roundabout rehabilitation. 📷 LCC

@InfinitelyDean Fair enough. I guess we'll have to give it time and observe and with everything within me I hope you're right it being more of a sign that it is incomplete and with time everything will fall into place.

David, I largely agree with these concerns. I do not think they contradict the argument, however. They illustrate the unfinished and increasingly vulnerable side of the stabilisation process. Macroeconomic stabilisation is not the same thing as a healthy fiscal position, efficient cash management or a broad-based improvement in household welfare. Zambia can have made measurable progress on inflation, reserves, debt restructuring and policy credibility while still carrying serious pressures from the wage bill, agricultural expenditure, delayed remittances, payment arrears and the expanded cost of government. In fact, the IMF has already identified significant fiscal slippage in 2026, including pressure from the wage bill, agricultural support, weaker revenue and election-related expenditure. That reinforces my concern about the external fiscal anchor ending immediately before an election cycle. Where I would differ is the suggestion that recognising macroeconomic stabilisation paints a rosy picture. Stabilisation is necessary, but it is not sufficient. My point is precisely that governments must still be judged on whether those gains translate into jobs, incomes, reliable services and a lower cost of living. The PMEC remittance issue, delayed farmer payments and rising recurrent expenditure are therefore not evidence that stabilisation did not occur. They are evidence that it remains incomplete, fiscally vulnerable and insufficiently institutionalised. I also agree that whoever governs after the election will inherit difficult choices. That is why the objective cannot be reliance on an IMF programme forever. Zambia needs domestic fiscal institutions capable of preserving discipline across administrations and electoral cycles.

This is precisely why the electoral cycle remains one of the hardest problems in development politics. A government can preside over deep macroeconomic imbalances, then be voted out once the consequences are felt across income groups. Zambia’s 2021 transition is a clear example. Kenya’s 2022 transition shows elements of the same dynamic, although the comparison is less straightforward. The successor inherits the repair job. It must restore policy credibility, restructure debt, rebuild reserves, tighten expenditure and raise revenue. These measures may be necessary, but households feel the costs quickly while the benefits take longer to arrive. That creates a reform trap. The government that presided over the deterioration may have enjoyed the political gains from spending, while the government undertaking the adjustment absorbs the political cost. By the next election, voters may punish the adjustment before the recovery is fully visible, allowing another administration, potentially even one linked to the original deterioration, to inherit a more stable economy. This is also why the IMF programme mattered for Zambia. Its importance went beyond financing and debt restructuring. It acted as an external fiscal anchor and commitment mechanism, helping sustain difficult reforms and restore policy credibility. My concern was not that the programme should continue indefinitely. It completed its scheduled final review. The concern was that this anchor ended immediately before an election period, when incentives to loosen fiscal policy are strongest. That creates a risk that necessary reforms are partially unwound, with the bill arriving later. The other side is equally important. Governments undertaking serious adjustment face a genuine electoral problem. Accumulated debt, fiscal and institutional weaknesses cannot always be reversed within one five-year term. The costs of reform are immediate; the benefits are delayed and unevenly distributed. This is not an argument for giving any incumbent an automatic second term. Reform does not excuse poor sequencing, implementation failures or avoidable costs. Governments must still be judged on whether stabilisation translates into jobs, incomes, reliable services and a lower cost of living. Quick wins matter because they buy political time. The deeper question is how democratic systems can sustain long-term reform without weakening accountability or encouraging leaders to erode institutions simply to survive the next election. The durable answer is not permanent IMF supervision. It is stronger domestic fiscal rules, budget institutions, debt-management systems and independent oversight that preserve discipline across electoral cycles and changes of government. Later this year, I plan to study growth and reform trajectories across political systems and ask which institutional arrangements give African countries the best chance of sustaining development without sacrificing democratic accountability.

@Malik_ZMB Job security 😂. After August 13 they will flip on UPND.

Hehehe, even ZNBC have started covering him? It's happening innit?

@Lawrence_LH7 😂😂😂😂 this country Man.

Zambia my country😅😂

Have you noticed that he has lost that effect he had on crowds? They just don't respond the way they did back then. Almost mistaken him for an Orator those days, big man doesn't have that command anymore n it's a bit sad. N he is lying here btw. Deliberately misleading people 😂

@mbulawasabizm Yes those 2 can't be at state house. The corruption fight cant be fair like that. That's a start bt we need to find a way of either the Legislature or judiciary to appoint top officials at both and not the president. How does an appointed go against the appointee when need arise

@Davidkabamba6 On Hot FM this morning Mundubile touched on removing DEC /ACC from state house control

NO SIDE HAS TALKED ABOUT 1) reducing the powers of the president 2) Bringing back the continuous deceleration of Assets 3) Making Findings of the Auditor general and FIC reports public. 4) Revisoting the Public order Act 5) Removing the defamation of the president as criminal

@FMwenge What a Guy 😂

@Davidkabamba6 And he was MP for Mpika 🤣

When he decided to form the PF, Sata asked Scott how long it would take to form government, the Answer, 10 years. Guy was the first ever PF member of Parliament. He also said it was because of Sata that he met his wife. What a Combo man.