M KS

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M KS

M KS

@MAKAS_Aden

Amman, Jordan Katılım Eylül 2025
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Basha باشا
Basha باشا@BashaReport·
Why have Yemeni governments failed to manage the country’s economy? This was the core question of the Yemen podcast episode hosted by @osamaalqutaibi with Rafat Al-Akhali @ymnraf, who is affiliated with @deeprootyemen, @HikmaFellowship, and @ResonateYemen. Rafat is the former Youth and Sports Minister for the @KhaledBahah government. The conversation lasted almost three hours, but it gave a clear, grounded answer to that question. Rafat’s perspective was shaped early by his education and career choices. He studied in Canada first, specializing in information technology and later earning an MBA. His original plan was not politics. He intended to return to Yemen and work professionally, but the events of 2011 forced a rethink. Rafat became convinced that change from outside the state through civil society alone was not enough, and that real impact required working from inside government institutions. That thinking led him to @UniofOxford's @BlavatnikSchool, where he studied public policy at the School of Government. He described Oxford not as a place that teaches one ideal model, but a place that exposes you to many systems and forces you to understand context. “There is no single model,” he said. What mattered was learning how policies are designed, negotiated, implemented, and evaluated, and how political economy shapes every decision. Just as important was the network. He spoke about being exposed to senior decision makers, former prime ministers, ministers, and practitioners from fragile states, and how that changed how he understood power, institutions, and reform. That background directly influenced how he worked once he returned to Yemen. He walked through his experience before the war inside the Executive Bureau @ExecutiveBureau that was created after the 2012 donor conference with the backing of @worldbankgroup. After recruitment was completed and the team was finalized toward the end of 2013, the bureau was divided into teams. He first worked on policy, then became head of the reforms support team. He made a key point. The bureau was never meant to implement reforms itself. Its role was to support ministries that were responsible for implementation. Rafat also spoke about his experience with the @wto and why it failed to deliver benefits for Yemen. He explained that joining the WTO could have helped a poor country like Yemen if it had been timed right and managed carefully. Access to global markets, technical support, and integration into the world economy were all possible gains. What actually happened was the opposite. Yemen entered the WTO just as the war began. The country opened its markets but lost the ability to protect or support its own producers. Domestic industries were already weak, then they were hit by conflict, supply disruptions, and a flood of cheap imports. There was no capacity to export, no quality control, and no state able to manage the transition. In his words, it became a one sided opening. Yemen took on the obligations, but could not use the benefits. Local industries were hurt more than they were helped, not because WTO membership is always bad, but because the timing was wrong and the war destroyed any chance to adjust or compete. He gave a concrete example with the public private partnership law. When the bureau started, there was a draft law that faced strong resistance. The private sector rejected it. The Chamber of Commerce publicly refused it. The @IFC_org said it did not reflect international best practice. At the same time, government entities insisted the draft was sufficient. The bureau brought all sides together, involved international experts, and held long working sessions. The law was rewritten entirely until a consensus version was reached. Only one or two clauses remained disputed by the Ministry of Finance. The law was submitted to parliament in August 2014, just weeks before the September collapse. He explained that transparency was one of the bureau’s strongest tools. Every quarter, it issued a professional report that tracked donor pledges from commitment to allocation to disbursement. For the first time, data was clear and shared. The same reports tracked government reforms using a simple traffic light system to show progress or lack of it. These reports were discussed openly in quarterly meetings with donors and government officials. This created a shared reference point. Disputes shifted from opinions to facts. On donors, Rafat rejected the idea that all funding passes through one channel. Saudi development and economic funding goes through the @SaudiDRPY but other donors do not. The real problem, he said, is coordination. Gulf donors and Western donors operate through very different systems and priorities, and aligning them has always been difficult. On the humanitarian side, he described a steady contraction. Organizations like the @WFP can no longer operate at the same scale. Funding has dropped. Staff and operations have been cut. Coverage has shrunk. In government areas, assistance was reduced sharply. In Houthi areas, it stopped or nearly stopped. He warned that this signals serious humanitarian risks over the long term. He also explained why the economic track of the peace process keeps stalling. After the April 2022 truce, talks quickly narrowed to salaries and revenues. After the truce ended in October 2022, demands escalated beyond what the economy could realistically support. Attacks on oil exports turned the economic file into a pressure tool. Later roadmap discussions moved forward quietly until October 2023, when Gaza and the Red Sea escalation froze everything. He spoke as well about sanctions. They are not precise instruments. They freeze systems first. Banks and companies avoid Yemen because compliance risk is high and the market is small. This hurts the entire economy, not just one party. The answer to the question was consistent throughout the interview. Yemeni governments failed to manage the economy not because of a lack of ideas or capable people, but because institutions were weak, priorities were unclear, coordination was poor, and decisions rarely moved from paper to execution. Without fixing that, every political agreement will keep collapsing back into the same economic crisis. youtube.com/watch?v=ouEWyI…
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Basha باشا
Basha باشا@BashaReport·
Dissolution or Division? STC Pushback Signals Risk of a Breakaway Faction @STCSouthArabia spokesman @anwaraltamimi71 pushed back strongly against the announcement issued in Riyadh claiming the dissolution of the Southern Transitional Council (STC), stressing that no such decision can be made outside the Council’s legitimate institutional framework. He stated that any decisions related to the Southern Transitional Council can only be taken by the Council in all its bodies and under the leadership of its president, adding that this process cannot occur while members of the Council’s delegation remain detained in Riyadh. Al-Tamimi said the matter would be addressed immediately upon their release. He further emphasized that the STC would continue to engage positively and constructively with all political initiatives in a manner that enables the people of the South to freely determine their future. Separately, senior @STCFEA official @AmrAlBidh informed the press that members of the STC delegation in Riyadh are being held against their will, with their mobile phones confiscated. His remarks cast serious doubt on the legitimacy of any statements or decisions attributed to the delegation under such conditions, raising questions about whether the announcement truly reflects the will of the Council’s leadership or membership. Earlier, STC delegates in Riyadh read out a statement announcing the dissolution of the Southern Transitional Council and all of its main and subsidiary bodies, the closure of all STC offices inside and outside Yemen, and a shift toward pursuing the southern cause through preparation for a comprehensive Southern Dialogue Conference under the sponsorship of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In the statement, the delegates said the decision followed an internal meeting to assess what they described as regrettable events in Hadramawt and Al-Mahra, the failure of de-escalation efforts, and the serious political and social repercussions that followed. They cited concern for social peace and regional security, as well as reference to a @KSAMOFA statement offering to sponsor a southern dialogue aimed at resolving the southern issue. The statement argued that the STC had been established to carry and represent the cause of the southern people and to lead them toward restoring their state, not as a vehicle for power, monopolization of decision-making, or exclusion of others. The delegates claimed that the Council had not been involved in decisions surrounding military operations in Hadramawt and Al-Mahra, which they said harmed southern unity and strained relations with the Saudi-led coalition. As a result, they concluded that the continued existence of the STC no longer served the purpose for which it was founded. Based on this reasoning, the statement declared the formal dissolution of the STC and called on southern political figures and leaders to participate in a comprehensive southern dialogue conference, with the aim of forming a broad, inclusive southern political framework. It also urged the people of the South, particularly in Aden and other southern governorates, to act responsibly during what it described as a sensitive phase, warning against chaos or instability. The statement concluded by reaffirming commitment to the southern cause and expressing gratitude to Saudi Arabia for its support and for hosting the proposed comprehensive southern dialogue.
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M KS
M KS@MAKAS_Aden·
@BashaReport What about Abdulhakim al-Khaywani? I’ve seen conflicting reports on his fate.
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Basha باشا
Basha باشا@BashaReport·
Confirming my August and November 2025 reporting, Mohammed Nasser Al-Atafi, the de facto Houthi Minister of Defense, appeared today for the first time at a Houthi cabinet meeting in Sana’a. He appeared healthy. With his appearance, the only remaining senior Houthi security or military official previously reported to have survived Israeli @IDF @IAFsite airstrikes who has not yet appeared publicly is Interior Minister Abdul Kareem Al-Houthi.
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Basha باشا@BashaReport

#Breaking With high confidence, @BashaReport can now confirm that all three senior Houthi defense and security leaders in Sana'a, Yemen were targeted in the August–September @IDF @IAFsite strikes and survived, but sustained significant injuries. All three are suffering from broken bones in their legs and arms, along with skin damage including burns and tears. Those injured include—though not limited to—Jalal Al-Rowaishan, the de facto Deputy Prime Minister for Security and Defense; Mohammed al-Atifi, the de facto Defense Minister; and Abdulkarim Al-Houthi, the de facto Minister of Interior.

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