mirza

@beniyiboyle @TurkPulse Antreman öncesi mi alınmalı yoksa sonrası mı

@MarcosDante @TurkPulse Creatin gönül rahatlığıyla kullanabilirsin.Dışardan öğünle alamayacağın en çok faydasını göreceğin şey takviyedir.Performansını hissedeceğin şekilde arttırır.

🔴 Böyle bir değişim natural şekilde kısa sürede yapılabilir mi? 🎥 bthnkuru

@beniyiboyle @TurkPulse Kreatin de bu kategoriye giriyor mu kral?

@TurkPulse Steroid kardeşim.Binbir türlüsü var.Sıkıntı şurda çok hızlı geliştin vücudun patlak.Bir kaç senede 15 sene yaşlanırsın.Sidik gibi kokarsın.Hormon dengen bozulur bir daha yerine gelmez. Nabız tansiyon şeker bir yerden gelir anlamazsın.İç organların büyür.Dalga kalkmaz.

Bunlarda da sike sürülecek akıl yok :) Abi senin o "olası bir savaşta kürtler, türkiye'yi sırtından vurur" fantezin tam da 100 yıllık zulmün sonucu ama yine de sen bilirsin. Yıllarca inkar ve asimile et, binlerce köylerini yak, anadilini yasakla, faili meçhul yap, roboskilerde katlet, bodrumlarda yak sonra "niye bize sadık değilsiniz öyle mi? Hala vaktiniz var.. Ya bağımsız bir Kurdistan ya da bu hesaplaşma kaçınılmaz. Seçim sizin, ama tarih affetmez.

The lands inhabited by Kurds have been under the control of Kurdish tribes, principalities, and dynasties—or densely settled by Kurds—for thousands of years. These lands were the Kurds’ homeland long before the modern borders of Iran were drawn. Kurds have a much older and deeper presence in this region than the Persians. The current borders of Iran were shaped during the Safavid, Qajar, and Pahlavi eras through the forced centralization of Kurdish principalities, displacement, and assimilation policies. The demand for freedom here is not about seizing someone else’s land; it is about the Kurds being able to exercise their rights to language, culture, governance, and identity within their historical lands. Kurdish parties often call for federalism or democratic autonomy. In other words, advocating for respect of Iran’s borders does not preclude ensuring equal rights for the peoples within those borders. In short: freedom does not mean taking someone else’s land but being a slave on one’s own land is not freedom either. Kurds are indigenous to these lands, and their demand for freedom is the claim of a historical right holder, not that of an invader. Saying “Iranian Kurds who love their culture respect the borders” sounds nice, but for that culture to truly thrive, seeking autonomy and democratic rights does not violate borders on the contrary, it is the very requirement of genuine respect and justice

@MarcosDante @mikepompeo True freedom respects others rights. Claiming to fight for freedom while trying to take land that is not yours is a contradiction. Iranian Kurds who love their culture also respect Iran’s borders , freedom does not mean claiming someone else s soil.

The Kurds have been invaluable partners to the US in the fight against terrorism in the Middle East. It makes perfect sense for us to work with them to unseat this evil dictatorship. timesofisrael.com/us-in-talks-wi…

So what were the 1946 mahabad republic, the resistance after 1979, and the armed struggles of KDPI and Komala in the 1980s? Saying “they had a chance” ignores thousands of Kurds killed, villages burned, and Kurdish leaders (Dr. Qasimlo, Dr. Sherefkandi, etc.) assassinated. Were Iranian kurds not separatist at the time? If they had accepted the status quo, Peshmergas wouldn’t still roam the mountains today, nor would PJAK and PAK clash with the revolutionary guards. What you call “unity” is, for us, assimilation and denial. If you truly mean “we are all together,” then respect the Kurdish people’s language, culture, and political status. Otherwise, your “unity” is just a cover for Persian nationalism, leaving oppressed peoples under its shadow!

@MarcosDante @mikepompeo Iranian Kurds are an inseparable part of Iran. They have been Iranian for at least 3thousands of years. Don’t mix things. If they wanted to split, they had the chance during the Iran–Iraq war. We are one nation — all of us together. Iran is not divisible. @CNN @BarronTNews_

@TRsayTruth @mikepompeo Our borders are clear, and we live on our own land. Soon we will declare our independence, and you’ll have to accept it like donkeys. We love you, but please keep dying. Thanks, we share the same feelings

@MarcosDante @mikepompeo We welcome, respect and support the Kurdish people and their freedom. But, there is one condition: we do not give an inch of Iran soil.

The Kurds defeated ISIS. They contained Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman push. Will they make the difference in the current war against the Mullahs? I have known them. I have filmed them. They are among the finest fighters in the world.

Soruyu yanlış düzlemde kuruyorsun. Mesele gerekçe bulunur mu bulunmaz mı değil; uluslararası siyasette hangi gerekçenin meşru ve savunulabilir kabul gördüğüdür. Tarihsel olarak bahaneler üretilebilir, tabii ki; ama KCK’nin varlığı Kürdistan’ın her parçasında, müdahaleyi normatif zeminde rasyonalize eden bir güvenlik söylemi üretiyor. Yeni bahanelere gerek var mı? Varsayalım Pjak da tasfiye oldu, Türkiye’nin Rojhilat’a müdahale etmek için hangi gerekçesi kalacak? Şengal örneğinde bile Pkk’nin varlığı, müdahaleyi meşru kılabiliyor. Bunu sana daha açık nasıl anlatabilirim ki israrla anlamak istemiyorsun

@MarcosDante Soruma cevap alamıyorum kardeşim? Bugün PKK olmasa, Kürtlere saldırmak için yeni gerekçeler oluşmayacak mı? Kürdistan'da işgali sürdürebilmek için işgal devletlerinin yeni bahaneler üretmekten aciz olduğunu mu söylüyorsun?

Bu ittifak, birlik arayışı açısından önemli bir işaret olsa da, PJAK’ın statüsü nedeniyle uluslararası alanda temkinle karşılanacak olmasına rağmen ittifaka dahil edilmesi, ağır bir siyasi basiretsizliktir..

@Mnxzdfk 🤦‍♂️ Hayır. Tarihsel sorunlar ayrı, bugünün jeopolitiği ayrı. Devletler müdahale için niyetle değil gerekçeyle hareket eder; Pkk ile bağlantı algısı, bu gerekçeyi uluslararası alanda savunulabilir hale getirir ve rojhelatı riske atar diyorum.

@MarcosDante Yani PKK olmasa, işgal devletleri diğer Kürt oluşumlarını normal görecek ve imha politikalarından vazgeçecekler diyorsun öyle mi?

Tarihsel inkar ve baskı politikaları elbette vardı. bunu kimse reddetmiyor. Ancak bugün devletlerin askeri müdahalelerini meşrulaştıran şey, somut güvenlik tehditleri ve silahlı yapılar oluyor. Pkk ve ekolojisi ile ilişki algısı bu nedenle sadece bahane değil, uluslararası alanda karşılık bulan bir güvenlik argümanına dönüşüyor. Sorunları çözmek istiyorsak, gerçekleri romantize etmek değil, bu algıların nasıl oluştuğuna kafa yormak gerek.

@MarcosDante Mesele ideoloji değil, PKK bahane edilerek Kürtlere yönelik sistematik saldırı ve düşmanlıktır. PKK olmasa, bu saldırılar duracak mı? PKK'den önce Kürtlere karşı savaş yok muydu? PKK, işgalciler için sadece hazır bir kılıftır. O olmasa da bahane her zaman bulunur.

Mesele batının terör listesinde olup olmadığı değil, PKK ile ideolojik ve kadrosal bağlarının olduğu algısıdır. Türkiye’nin hem terör listesinde hem de ulusal güvenlik politikası açısından tehdit kategorisindedir. Olası bir kürt kazanamında türkiyenin müdahalesi için meşruiyet alanı yaratıyor. 🤦‍♂️

@MarcosDante Neymiş o statü kardeşim? PJAK, ne ABD'nin ne de Avrupa'nın terör listesinde değildir. Rojhilat'ın askeri ve siyasi açıdan en güçlü yapısı PJAK'tır. PJAK'ı yok saymak, Rojhilat'ı yok saymak demektir.

Her farklı sesi ajan diye yaftalamak, kürtlerin özgür iradesini inkar eden bir vesayet refleksidir. Halkın kendi geleceği hakkında bağımsız düşünebileceğini kabul etmek yerine komplo üreterek, hakikati değil otoriteyi korumak istiyorlar çünkü

Apocuları dönüştürelim naifliği, lider kültünü siyasal aklın yerine koyan bir vesayeti meşrulaştırır. Mesele insanları değil, dogmayı aşmaktır. Kürdistan’ın geleceğini ipotek altına alan bu zihniyetle uzlaşılmaz; etkisizleştirilir.

Tuncere göre her şey uzaktan kumandayla yönetilen bir lider aplikasyonu. Sahada savaşanlar figüran, bedel ödeyenler dekor.. Her toplumsal mücadeleyi alıp tek bir ismin dipnotuna dönüştürme konusunda istikrarlı olan bu proksileri tarihin çöplüğüne gömmek farz oldu.

@SenaShafik @MeirMasri Dem

@MeirMasri Doesn't the party have a name?

Bahçeli’nin yedek partisi, ironi değil gerçekten öyle.

The people you stood shoulder to shoulder with in Kobani will read your criticisms not as hostility, but as responsibility. Because you are not a witness to a romantic revolutionary tale, but to a people’s struggle for survival. Your warning about the risk of status turning into a symbol is valuable; yet the kurdish struggle is too long and resilient to fit into a single strategy. No matter how deep the contradictions may seem today, this people has always prioritized its survival over ideological purity. As for the leadership debates: A. öcalan’s ideas may have been an important part of this struggle; however, no leader is greater than the existence and security of the people. If a line fails to protect the concrete gains of the people, kurds just as they have throughout history will not hesitate to question it

February 15: Between the Metabolism of Revolution and the Sovereignty of the State To the movement, to the people of Kurdistan, and to the internationalists who remain in the shadows of this struggle: February 15 has long been marked as the "Black Day"—the anniversary of the International Conspiracy and the capture of Önder Apo. But for those of us who stood at the tip of the spear in Raqqa, who organized the defense of the communes, and who measured the revolution not in slogans but in hectares and supply lines, this date in 2026 carries a new, deafening weight. There is a widening chasm between the metabolism of the revolution and the rhetoric of the leadership. In recent calls for mobilization, we hear the demand to "protect the status of Rojava." But as a materialist and an expert in asymmetric warfare, I must ask the question that the "bourgeois" academic circles avoid: What is the material reality of "status" when the territory has been liquidated? Status is not a metaphysical state; it is the physical ability to defend a political gain. Following the 2026 offensive and the ensuing political "integration," we are witnessing a transition where the living project of Rojava is being curated into a symbol. But symbols do not hold frontlines, and they do not protect the bodies of the people from the reassertion of State sovereignty. The Paradox of the Revolutionary Matrix I speak from a position of "loyal dissent." I cannot walk away because I recognize the unique Matrix this movement has built. For half a century, it has produced a revolutionary discipline unparalleled in the Global South—a "pure breed" of fedayins who renounce the "I" for the "We," living in the freezing peaks of the Median Defense Zone without salary or comfort. This matrix produced my commander in Kobani, Shahid Hardem (Musa the Sniper), and the defender of Sheikh Maqsoud, Ziad Haleb. It inspired internationalists to cross borders to find a moral clarity missing in the West. How can a matrix that produces such thoroughbred revolutionaries now appear so strategically uncertain? The Imrali Dissonance The answer lies in the current "Imrali Process." We are seeing transcripts that suggest a radical pivot: a "Turkey-centered integration," the renunciation of federalism for "democratic municipalism," and a redefinition of the movement’s genealogy to fit within the boundaries of the Nation-State. I understand, that state identities are shaped by power. But I also know, that a revolution must maintain its own social metabolism—its own independent way of sustaining life and defense. If the autonomy of the commune is traded for a seat at the table of the Sovereign, we are not evolving; we are returning to the very structure that historically requires the erasure of the Kurd to function. Theory without power is a prayer. Power without territory is a memory. The Peripheral Voice I am a ghost in the academic halls. I am not invited to the university discourses or the televised interviews. I exist only in the spaces I force open with my own hands, and on the battlefields where I have proven that a commander's skill can still tip the scales. I speak from the periphery because that is where the truth usually resides. My criticism is not a gesture of resentment, but an act of loyalty to the base. To the leadership: The martyrs deserve a strategy rooted in the brutal reality of the 2026 map, not a retreat into symbolic mobilization. To the fighters: Your sacrifice remains the only true currency of freedom in a world of state betrayals. I remain a supporter of the liberation of Kurdistan and the Global South. But I will not plaster mud over the sun. I will not use comforting words to hide a graveyard. When the time comes, I will show up where it matters most. Berxwedan Jiyan e. Heval Karim Franceschi Former Commander and Founder of YPG International

@orig_heart @GreatIsrael0 I believe that the strategies pursued by PJAK carry the risk of undermining potential gains that could be achieved in Rojhelat. Are the people of Rojhelat aware of this?

@MarcosDante @GreatIsrael0 A message to all PKK supporters: Look at the realities on the ground and make decisions based on that. Don’t bring Turkey’s game into Rojava. If Turkey releases Ocalan, then listen to what he says. An imprisoned Ocalan has no message. That’s all.

PKK is an official recognized terrorist organization and they are known to be the main party of Turkish -Kurdish areas. Their presence and influence inside Rojava territory will bring harm and destruction to what remained there.

When öcalan’s discourse and strategies are examined, it becomes clear that he maintains a distance from the idea of an independent kurdish state and instead proposes a different political model. The consequences of this approach for kurdish national aspirations are evident. To make a sound assessment on this issue, one can review publicly available records and statements from past interrogation processes. Existing videos and documents may serve as references for understanding öcalan’s perspective

@MarcosDante @GreatIsrael0 Turkey has deceived everyone. How can a rational person accept that a message coming from Abdullah Öcalan is truly his own words? If Turkey is telling the truth, why doesn’t it release Abdullah Öcalan so he can speak freely like a free human being and say whatever he wants?