Aji Adoga The First of Taraba

For the longest time, I had always thought the Aburi Accord was just as simplistic as these people write it In their view, there was an Aburi Accord, it was agreed and next stage was immediate implemention, but Gowon refused. I had no idea that Aburi was not a decree. It was an agreement that Law officers had to sit afterwards and codify into a law (also Secretaries to the Government of each of the 4 regions had to be involved too in this process) This was the account by the Secretary to the Government of Biafra - NU Akpan (on the Biafran side) And after Aburi, the East sent NU Akpan to represent the East. They wouldn’t have if it was not one of the agreements in Aburi. He (NU Akpan) and the other Secretaries were determined to produce a document that would be acceptable to all parties That is where the draft for Decree 8 came from. It came from the meetings with all Secretaries from the regions (ironically including the Secretary to the Government of Biafra) who represented the Eastern Government. When it was finalized, NU Akpan was jumping up and down according to the book “Tragedy without Hero’s” by Hilary Njoku who was head of the Biafran Army at the time. He says, we made it, Gowon has issued the right decision on Aburi. He gave 98%. Hilary Njoku even mentions going to congratulate Ojukwu. Ojukwu had spoken to his advisers who urged him to reject it NU Akpan said he didn’t see the notes that the Eastern intellectuals around Ojukwu had written on Decree 8 but he provided his counter notes which are in his book He said it had fulfilled 95% of the Aburi agreement which he and other secretaries were able to agree on. This is why I don’t listen to Twitter gossip history. I buy books by myself and take my time to read them. Sources: Hilary Njoku - Head of the Biafran Army, (Book title) Tragedy without Hero’s page 118 NU Akpan, - Secretary to Government of Biafra (Struggle for secession) page 55

Peace wan finish your people for plateau state and middle belt.

GEJ was just hated because he was from a minority tribe .. Anything he did, Buhari did worse and Tinubu is doing worse too…

OG secondary schools in Plateau State. 1. Boys’ Secondary School Gindiri 2. Government Science School Kuru. 3. Baptist High School. 4. Hill Crest. 5. Kent Academy. 6. Girls High School, Gindiri. You are welcome 🤝🏽

Tru Care Hospital jos, thank you all for saving my life. I had surgery a week ago, and from the moment I arrived, the receptionist, nurses, and doctors were incredibly kind and supportive. The most amazing part was that my surgery cost more than half a million, yet because of the

For the record, the youths arrested by the Nigerian Army and labeled as suspected bandits are actually the indigenous youths and vigilantes from our community. This is why we can't defend ourselves. Whenever our youths try to protect us, they get arrested and disarmed. Anytime this happens, the community faces attacks again, with many killed, because our defenders are locked up. These are not the real terrorists; they're still in the bushes and mountains planning their next attack, while the military, knowingly or unknowingly, helps them by disarming our people. The Nigerian Army should do a serious investigation and stop arresting our people whenever they try to defend their communities from terrorists! 🤲🏽

70% of those that call themselves Hausa have Fulani blood in them in states like Kano, Kaduna and Katsina mainly due to extensive intermarriages. This is the reason the term Hausa-Fulani was created. In state like Borno, Adamawa, Gombe Bauchi, Taraba etc you get pure Fulani . Hausa is now a Lingua Franca 90% of it's speakers are not genetically Hausa. Hausa have atleast 150M speakers in the world but less than 15M are ethnic Hausa So those thinking that they can use propaganda to separate Hausa and Fulani especially in north west are embarking on a futile work.

The Hausa-Fulani Debate This trending debate about the two ethnic groups dancing on the edge of an unmistakable rupture has, to me, always been a debate about political convenience disguised as ethnic certainty. They are two distinct groups, marked by different linguistic and cultural idiosyncrasies. Whatever the Fulani share with the Hausa, they also share, in one form or another, with other groups, just as the Hausa share traits with peoples beyond the Fulani. The difference is that these other groups rarely lose their consciousness of self. The traditional institutions across many northern communities are headed by monarchs of Fulani ancestry, and this is true even among the Nupe emirates in Nigeria. The Etsu Nupe in Bida and the Emir of Lapai, for instance, have distinctly Fulani ancestry, yet neither hyphenates his ethnic identity. They identify simply as Nupe, and that is the end of the matter. There is nothing in the cultural expression of a Hausa mixed with Fulani that is not, in similar ways, expressed among the Nupe mixed with Fulani. Culture is fluid. Identity is fluid too. We should be honest enough to admit this. Hausa is, of course, culturally magnetic, and that is why it has succeeded in becoming the Bermuda Triangle of many languages in northern Nigeria. Many of us grew up struggling to balance Hausa and our native language, trying not to lose one in the dominance of the other. But that cultural force is not enough reason to reduce Hausa to a mere language, as some tend to theorise, or to deny that it belongs to a distinct people. That would be like arguing that the universality of English means there are no distinct English people. A language can travel widely, absorb others, and still remain the language of a people whose distinct identity does not vanish with its spread. If these Nupe royal families, many of whom are patrilineally Fulani but maternally Nupe, could identify simply as Nupe and nothing more, then I believe every group can do the same—to choose a part that aligns with their reality. To me, that offers a practical template for integration among us. What it exposes, instead, is the poverty of a social arrangement in denial of lived identity, where accommodation rests solely on the father’s origin. That may satisfy the logic of patriarchy, but it does not satisfy the logic of justice, social reality, or national cohesion. We live, however, in a patrilineal society that compels the child to inherit the father’s identity, and this logic extends even into our notions of indigeneship and citizenship. Unless we are prepared to uphold that rigidity consistently, or else allow all of us to bear the identities of both parents, we are simply living a lie. My objection to the Hausa-Fulani categorisation is not that it is inherently flawed, for it reflects a social reality many of us already recognise. It is that the arrangement is self-serving, privileging one set of interethnic identities while denying the same legitimacy to others. Our society would be far more honest with itself if it embraced our maternal identities and values just as seriously as it does the paternal. That would not only weaken this patriarchal inheritance of identity, but also deepen integration. I made this argument years ago in a column where I advanced the case for bilateral descent. Every child is the product of two parents, two lineages, two inheritances. In many cases, indeed in most, the child is first shaped by the mother’s language, habits, and culture before any wider socialisation takes hold. It makes no sense, therefore, that a child of a Yoruba father and a Hausa mother, born and bred in Hausa society, formed by its language and customs, should be told to return to a father’s village he has never known whenever questions of belonging or political participation arise. That contradiction is one of the quiet engines of our national polarisation. 1/2