Mohit Thatte

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Mohit Thatte

Mohit Thatte

@mohitthatte

Experienced Junior Programmer. Also into: Poetry. Philosophy. Art. Podcasts. Goa. Mumbai. Berlin. 🏳️‍🌈. 🇮🇳. 🇩🇪

Berlin Katılım Mayıs 2008
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Sony Thăng
Sony Thăng@nxt888·
There are two ways to interpret the history of the current world order. The first: Some societies innovated faster, developed more advanced technologies, organized more effective states, and their advantage compounded over time. This is a story of differential capability producing differential outcomes. The lesson is: innovate. The second: Specific societies used military force, legal coercion, biological catastrophe, and deliberate institutional destruction to extract capital from other societies, used that capital to industrialize, and then designed international institutions to lock in the resulting advantage and prevent others from using the same methods. This is a story of organized dispossession producing differential outcomes. The lesson is: understand the structure. Both stories contain true elements. The difference is what each story makes visible and what each story makes invisible. The first story makes technology visible and power invisible. The second story makes power visible and technology as a somewhat more complicated achievement. The curriculum teaches the first story. The curriculum makes the second story "political," "ideological," "one-sided." The question of which story you believe is not academic. It determines what you think needs to change. And therefore it determines whether anything changes.
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🇮🇹 Alaricus Rex 🇰🇵
🇮🇹 Alaricus Rex 🇰🇵@JucheMaxing·
According to the Marxian theory of value, “nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.”
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Alice Smith@TheAliceSmith

I just spend the last 24 hours digging a hole in my back garden and then refilling it, again and again and again. Look at all that wealth I’ve created, according to the Labour Theory of Value!

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Christophe Boutry
Christophe Boutry@Ced_haurus·
Palantir vient de publier son manifeste. Lisez-le. Pas pour ce qu'il dit sur la tech. Pour ce qu'il dit sur le politique. Sur l'idéologie de Karp et Thiel. Sur la guerre. Sur vous. Quand une entreprise privée se donne pour mission de définir qui doit être surveillé, ciblé, prédit, neutralisé, et qu'elle publie simultanément un texte expliquant pourquoi contester cela serait de la faiblesse civilisationnelle, on n'est plus dans la stratégie d'entreprise. On est dans la privatisation du souverain. Le droit de décider de l'ennemi, qui fut toujours le geste politique fondateur des États, est en train d'être racheté par une entreprise cotée au Nasdaq. Ce manifeste repose sur un seul tour de passe-passe, répété sous vingt formes différentes : rendre l'inévitable ce qui est en réalité un choix. Les armes à IA ? Elles seront construites de toute façon, alors autant que ce soit nous. La surveillance algorithmique ? La réalité géopolitique l'exige. Le réarmement de l'Occident, la hiérarchie des cultures, la disqualification du pluralisme comme naïveté dangereuse ? Simple lucidité face au monde tel qu'il est. C'est le geste idéologique par excellence : ne pas interdire la question, mais la rendre indécente. Ce que Palantir appelle réalisme est en fait une décision philosophique radicale : le conflit est la vérité permanente du monde, la délibération démocratique est une fragilité que l'adversaire exploitera, et une élite technologique privée est mieux placée qu'un peuple pour tirer les conséquences de cette vérité. C'est du schmittisme en hoodie. C'est littéralement la structure de leur pensée. Le danger n'est pas qu'ils soient fous. Le danger est qu'ils soient riches, cohérents, et déjà à l'intérieur des États. Palantir ne frappe pas à la porte des gouvernements pour vendre un outil. Elle arrive avec une cosmologie complète : voici comment fonctionne le monde, voici vos ennemis, voici pourquoi vous ne pouvez pas vous permettre de débattre, et voici notre contrat. Palantir est l'ennemie des peuples et de la démocratie. Ce qu'ils construisent, c'est un pouvoir technocratique que personne n'a élu et que personne ne pourra destituer.
Palantir@PalantirTech

Because we get asked a lot. The Technological Republic, in brief. 1. Silicon Valley owes a moral debt to the country that made its rise possible. The engineering elite of Silicon Valley has an affirmative obligation to participate in the defense of the nation. 2. We must rebel against the tyranny of the apps. Is the iPhone our greatest creative if not crowning achievement as a civilization? The object has changed our lives, but it may also now be limiting and constraining our sense of the possible. 3. Free email is not enough. The decadence of a culture or civilization, and indeed its ruling class, will be forgiven only if that culture is capable of delivering economic growth and security for the public. 4. The limits of soft power, of soaring rhetoric alone, have been exposed. The ability of free and democratic societies to prevail requires something more than moral appeal. It requires hard power, and hard power in this century will be built on software. 5. The question is not whether A.I. weapons will be built; it is who will build them and for what purpose. Our adversaries will not pause to indulge in theatrical debates about the merits of developing technologies with critical military and national security applications. They will proceed. 6. National service should be a universal duty. We should, as a society, seriously consider moving away from an all-volunteer force and only fight the next war if everyone shares in the risk and the cost. 7. If a U.S. Marine asks for a better rifle, we should build it; and the same goes for software. We should as a country be capable of continuing a debate about the appropriateness of military action abroad while remaining unflinching in our commitment to those we have asked to step into harm’s way. 8. Public servants need not be our priests. Any business that compensated its employees in the way that the federal government compensates public servants would struggle to survive. 9. We should show far more grace towards those who have subjected themselves to public life. The eradication of any space for forgiveness—a jettisoning of any tolerance for the complexities and contradictions of the human psyche—may leave us with a cast of characters at the helm we will grow to regret. 10. The psychologization of modern politics is leading us astray. Those who look to the political arena to nourish their soul and sense of self, who rely too heavily on their internal life finding expression in people they may never meet, will be left disappointed. 11. Our society has grown too eager to hasten, and is often gleeful at, the demise of its enemies. The vanquishing of an opponent is a moment to pause, not rejoice. 12. The atomic age is ending. One age of deterrence, the atomic age, is ending, and a new era of deterrence built on A.I. is set to begin. 13. No other country in the history of the world has advanced progressive values more than this one. The United States is far from perfect. But it is easy to forget how much more opportunity exists in this country for those who are not hereditary elites than in any other nation on the planet. 14. American power has made possible an extraordinarily long peace. Too many have forgotten or perhaps take for granted that nearly a century of some version of peace has prevailed in the world without a great power military conflict. At least three generations — billions of people and their children and now grandchildren — have never known a world war. 15. The postwar neutering of Germany and Japan must be undone. The defanging of Germany was an overcorrection for which Europe is now paying a heavy price. A similar and highly theatrical commitment to Japanese pacifism will, if maintained, also threaten to shift the balance of power in Asia. 16. We should applaud those who attempt to build where the market has failed to act. The culture almost snickers at Musk’s interest in grand narrative, as if billionaires ought to simply stay in their lane of enriching themselves . . . . Any curiosity or genuine interest in the value of what he has created is essentially dismissed, or perhaps lurks from beneath a thinly veiled scorn. 17. Silicon Valley must play a role in addressing violent crime. Many politicians across the United States have essentially shrugged when it comes to violent crime, abandoning any serious efforts to address the problem or take on any risk with their constituencies or donors in coming up with solutions and experiments in what should be a desperate bid to save lives. 18. The ruthless exposure of the private lives of public figures drives far too much talent away from government service. The public arena—and the shallow and petty assaults against those who dare to do something other than enrich themselves—has become so unforgiving that the republic is left with a significant roster of ineffectual, empty vessels whose ambition one would forgive if there were any genuine belief structure lurking within. 19. The caution in public life that we unwittingly encourage is corrosive. Those who say nothing wrong often say nothing much at all. 20. The pervasive intolerance of religious belief in certain circles must be resisted. The elite’s intolerance of religious belief is perhaps one of the most telling signs that its political project constitutes a less open intellectual movement than many within it would claim. 21. Some cultures have produced vital advances; others remain dysfunctional and regressive. All cultures are now equal. Criticism and value judgments are forbidden. Yet this new dogma glosses over the fact that certain cultures and indeed subcultures . . . have produced wonders. Others have proven middling, and worse, regressive and harmful. 22. We must resist the shallow temptation of a vacant and hollow pluralism. We, in America and more broadly the West, have for the past half century resisted defining national cultures in the name of inclusivity. But inclusion into what? Excerpts from the #1 New York Times Bestseller The Technological Republic: Hard Power, Soft Belief, and the Future of the West, by Alexander C. Karp & Nicholas W. Zamiska techrepublicbook.com

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Felix 🇪🇺
Felix 🇪🇺@_aufgegleist·
Das ist definitiv eine der absurdesten Übersetzungsfehler der Geschichte.
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Sony Thăng
Sony Thăng@nxt888·
The hardest thing to explain to someone inside the imperial consensus is the concept of structural violence. They understand individual violence. One person harms another person. There is a perpetrator and a victim and a clear causal chain. What they cannot see, what the entire educational and media apparatus has been carefully designed to prevent them from seeing, is the violence that happens when a system is arranged so that certain people predictably die, predictably suffer, predictably lose, not because any individual decided to harm them specifically but because the overall arrangement of power requires their subordination. The people of the Global South do not die of poverty because individual Americans wish them dead. They die because the international economic architecture, the terms of trade, the debt structures, the conditions attached to IMF loans, the intellectual property regimes that prevent technology transfer, the agricultural subsidies that undercut developing world farmers, is arranged, in aggregate, in a way that concentrates wealth in already wealthy countries and extracts it from already poor ones. And that architecture was designed. It was negotiated. It was implemented by specific people in specific rooms making specific decisions about who would benefit and who would not. This is violence. It does not look like violence because no one is pulling a trigger. But the deaths it produces are just as dead. And when you try to explain this to someone whose entire identity rests on the belief that what they have they earned, and what others lack they failed to achieve, you are not making a political argument. You are dismantling the story that makes their life make sense. They will not thank you for it. They will defend against it with everything they have. Because the alternative, accepting that their comfort is downstream of other people's dispossession, is not a policy position. It is an identity catastrophe.
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The Dig
The Dig@thedigradio·
In 2024, the Dig launched Thawra, a 19-part series on 20th century Arab radicalism. We are now releasing the Thawra digital study guide, replete with readings, films, archival materials, & discussion Qs for collective or individual study. Check it out➡️ thawraproject.com
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Hüseyin Dogru
Hüseyin Dogru@hussedogru·
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redpillbot
redpillbot@redpillb0t·
BBC's Chief Correspondent, Jeremy Bowen, pretending to be under Russian attack when an elderly Ukrainian lady walking her dog stops to make sure he's okay
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Rob
Rob@robrousseau·
>Strait of Hormuz what is it >Strait of Hormuz how to open >Strait of Hormuz how to open reddit
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Mohit Thatte
Mohit Thatte@mohitthatte·
Yo, when are we renaming robots.txt to agents.md and giving instructions to agents on how to do things! Or is that already a thing?
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Mosab Abu Toha
Mosab Abu Toha@MosabAbuToha·
This is 1948. Israeli soldiers moved through our towns, villages, and cities, killing for the purpose of killing and expelling people. One of them later recalled seeing a little Palestinian girl bleeding, standing alone among the bodies of her murdered family. He wondered to himself, “Did I fire at her? … But why am I thinking this?” The orders were clear to him and other terrorist soldiers: Kill! Destroy! Murder! This terrorism, especially the targeting of children, did not begin two years ago. It is not new. It is part of a long history that predates what the world is now paying attention to. This is not what children, or adults, are taught and told about in the West. That is why so many are shocked when they finally hear the stories our parents and grandparents lived through, and the same reality we are still living today. Source: Benny Morris, 1948, p. 289
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