Sam Schulman ن

Thanks — I couldn’t ask for a clearer piece of proof of my point.

NYT graphic on immigration.

I have a serious question for zionists. Is the plan to displace everyone or just the Muslims? Will the Palestinian Catholics be allowed to stay?

Nobody asks the question... Why would Hamas start a war they had no chance of winning? Think of that. No chance. Zero. They knew it from the beginning, everybody knew it. So why do it? He needed his own people to die on camera. Yahya Sinwar architected the whole thing. He designed it. He wanted Israel to come in with overwhelming force. He wanted the destruction. He wanted the footage. Every crumbled building, every crying child, every cloud of smoke… that was the entire point. And the media was his most important weapon. More important than the rockets under the crumbled buildings, more important than the tunnels they held hostages in, more important than the children they intentionally put in harm's way. Because Sinwar knew the cameras would show every last frame of destruction… and never once explain who put them there or why. Global public opinion turned against Israel to an inconceivable extent. Sinwar knew exactly what he was doing.

As a Boston College graduate who is basically the same age as AOC, I'd rather have the plumber, thanks. In fact, I'd rather have literally any plumber.

Is Trans-Atlantic Slave trade the worst crime against humanity? What about Arab Slave Trade? I don't really know why people avoid talking about it why enjoy discussing trans-atlantic🤷‍♂️

Czechoslovakia dissolved. The Soviet Union dissolved. Nobody speaks of their “right to exist” having been violated. No wrong was committed against them. They ceased to exist, and it wasn’t an injustice.

Tanzania's forced collectivization under Julius Nyerere killed more people per capita than Stalin's agricultural disasters, yet Western intellectuals still romanticize ujamaa as "African socialism." Between 1967 and 1975, Nyerere's government forcibly relocated over 13 million Tanzanians—roughly 80% of the rural population—into collective villages called ujamaa. The state promised modern amenities, shared prosperity, and liberation from "capitalist exploitation." Instead, they delivered mass starvation. Agricultural output collapsed by 50% within five years. Food imports skyrocketed from 50,000 tons in 1970 to 400,000 tons by 1974. Rural villagers who had fed themselves for generations suddenly couldn't grow enough grain to survive winter. The mechanics were predictably Austrian. When you destroy private property rights and eliminate price signals, you obliterate the knowledge that makes agriculture work. Farmers knew their local soil, rainfall patterns, and crop rotations. But central planners in Dar es Salaam decided that "scientific socialism" trumped centuries of accumulated farming wisdom. They forced communities to abandon fertile ancestral lands for designated plots that bureaucrats selected from maps. Villages that resisted faced military force—troops literally burned homes to drive families into the collectives. And the damn tragedy continues reverberating today. Tanzania remains one of Africa's poorest countries, importing food despite having some of the continent's best agricultural land. Per capita income in 2023 sits at $1,192—lower than Bangladesh. You can draw a straight line from ujamaa's destruction of property rights to Tanzania's persistent poverty. But mention this at any development economics conference and watch professors explain how Nyerere had "good intentions" and the real problem was "insufficient implementation." Lesson: Collectivism fails equally hard across race, language, geography, population size, education level, continent, or any other possible metric you can dream of.