Gary

@JulietYall2 Nope. Not what I said at all. Facts are facts. Radicals in all forms are horrific.

@malonebarry Blatantly false. Connolly knowingly joined an illegal flotilla attempting to enter a closed military zone. She was fully aware of what happened to previous white saviors who staged the same performative stunt. She got herself arrested.

@roberts_je60732 @GolfweekNichols That's a good swing, but you should watch some @NellyKorda swings.

@GolfweekNichols She has the nicest female swing I’ve ever seen.

Aaron Rai’s wife, Gaurika Bishnoi, is also a touring pro. ⭐️

@nytimes @NickKristof @NYTimesOpEd Hey Nick, here's a master class by a federal judge showing the world why you and the Times are absolute pieces of turd. Have a great day, you asshole. A Miscarriage of Journalism at ‘The New York Times’ thefp.com/p/the-new-york…

@hahussain I still think so too.

Islamic Iran struck the UAE's nuclear reactor, hit the electricity generator outside of it. And Team Obama still thinks their deal with Iran, which granted Iran "a right to enrich" uranium, albeit at "agreed upon" levels, was a good idea.

🚨 REPORTED ELIMINATION IN GAZA Initial reports from Gaza indicate a targeted elimination may have taken place. Details are still developing, and we are waiting for further confirmation and updates. Boost the algorithm: Bookmark, Share, Reply, Repost, Like and Follow @Mossadil.

💡THE TRUTH ABOUT THE NAKBA “Nakba” means catastrophe. Every year, it is marked as the catastrophe of Israel’s re-establishment in 1948. But the real catastrophe they mourn is not the establishment of the Jewish state. It is the catastrophe of losing the war they launched after rejecting partition, after surrounding Israel with Arab armies, and after calls to wipe out the Jews. They chose war. They promised destruction. They lost. The catastrophe? They were humiliated. That is the truth about the Nakba.

🚨 SENDING AL-HADDAD OFF TO PARADISE Hamas terrorist funeral procession for the second commander and one of the chief architects of October 7 next to Yahya Sinwar. Gaza and Israel are safer now. One by one.

🦁☀️ A MESSAGE TO IRANIANS ☀️🦁 Over the next 48 hours, you’ll hear the roar of giant engines over Iran. 🇮🇱🇺🇸 Reports claim the U.S. and Israel are preparing for possible renewed strikes on the Iranian regime as early as next week. 🇺🇸🇮🇱 Tehran is bracing for escalation while tensions reach a breaking point.

🚨 SOUTHERN LEBANON: HEZBOLLAH’S BORDER VILLAGES ARE BEING ERASED This is what remains of al-Adisa in southern Lebanon, near the Israeli border across from Misgav Am. I spoke with a very senior IDF officer operating in southern Lebanon. Here is what I learned. Israel is making sure Hezbollah and its supporters have nowhere to return to along the border. These villages were turned into Hezbollah forward positions. Now they are no more. At the same time, Christian villages in the area remain intact, with the IDF coordinating with local communities and even facilitating humanitarian aid.

NEW Policy Brief: The Iran Nuclear Deal the World Deserves Takes Us Back to the Basics  The current nuclear negotiations on Iran need to reflect Iran’s requirement to demonstrate it does not have a nuclear weapons program and secondarily on eliminating the means to enrich uranium and the existing stocks of enriched uranium. The goal should be reestablishing the norms and obligations of nuclear nonproliferation on Iran, not further perpetuating additional exemptions to them or creating new ones. Too often, nuclear negotiations with Iran have become too bogged down and, in essence, lose the forest for the trees. That focus on individual details overwhelmingly favors Iran. Detailed proposals about nuclear limits and step by step plans are intended to wear U.S. negotiators down and have them get lost in the details of what sanctions are removed when and what nuclear capability limits are sufficient. Reinventing the wheel of nonproliferation limits and monitoring and carving a special, unusual nonproliferation status for Iran is what led us here in the first place. Focusing on limits on nuclear capabilities, while largely deemphasizing the main cause of concern, has got us into the present debacle. Instead, the United States should focus first on obtaining and verifying Iranian commitments not to build nuclear weapons. That includes Iran providing the IAEA an accurate and complete nuclear declaration and allowing full access to all relevant sites and persons. Iran has never taken the steps necessary to determine compliance with its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This effort was essentially abandoned in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Iran must acknowledge and end upfront its work on nuclear weapons prior to any sanction’s relief. Both Iraq and South Africa did so, the former through a tough cease fire agreement in 1991 and the latter voluntarily. Iran should choose the latter to avoid the former. And that should be the choice offered to Iran. The status quo favors the United States, with Iran’s ability to make nuclear weapons severely degraded by the war, and its stocks of enriched uranium bottled up in sealed tunnel complexes, easy to monitor from above. This process will also satisfy current UN Security Council demands and IAEA Board of Governors resolutions on Iran, opening the door for sanctions relief, conditional on the final outcome rather than negotiated to be a step-for-step reward to keep Iran engaged in the process. After all, the Islamic regime is still in power, and it neither wants nor needs all sanctions removed, it needs a lifeline, and it otherwise could decide it got enough at any point. Preserving its nuclear weaponization infrastructure and personnel and its ability to make gas centrifuges has been key to that strategy. The stocks of enriched uranium have taken on special meaning in the present context but in the end, Iran will move to protect the former capabilities rather than the mere products of those capabilities. To start, Iran would have to provide a complete declaration and access, and dismantle, destroy or render harmless key nuclear weaponization equipment and materials, followed by the IAEA conducting an initial verification of the declaration and dismantlement. The initial verification can be accomplished relatively quickly, and the following verification would be more thorough to ensure the absence of undeclared materials or activities. The first phase can occur in a matter of months, if Iran cooperates, as South Africa showed. If Iran refuses to cooperate or only partially cooperates, an infinite amount of time is not enough, and no rewards would be given. The targets Israel and the United States destroyed demonstrate considerable knowledge about Iran’s nuclear weaponization program, which if shared can help the IAEA’s effort and speed it up. In the two wars, Israel attacked and destroyed nine to twelve sites involved in developing and building nuclear weapons. Many of these sites contained elements added only in recent months or years. At least one site held a post-June reconstituted nuclear weaponization capability that Israel somehow discovered. In addition, Israel killed over 20 “oppenheimers” and “groves” essential to a functioning nuclear weaponization effort, eliminating important know-how in the process. The initial phase of coming into compliance with the NPT would include a full declaration of the locations of the stocks of enriched uranium and go further, mandating their removal or down blending. Stocks of natural uranium should be sold internationally, as unneeded. In parallel, specific limits on the fuel cycle should be negotiated. The soundest position is that Iran commits to a pledge of no enrichment and no reprocessing for an extended period of time. Iran has no reason beyond building nuclear weapons to do either. Iran has not adhered to the NPT and thus cannot claim NPT privileges. Since Iran has not met the basic demands of the NPT, it does not deserve enrichment or reprocessing. Iranian enrichment and its means of production have been destroyed. The war ended enrichment in Iran, something that no nuclear agreement had accomplished. The end to enrichment is therefore a given, and its continuation does not deserve sanctions relief. It has no ability to reprocess and all its plutonium is in irradiated fuel under international monitoring at the Bushehr nuclear power reactor and unlikely to be diverted. A compromise on enrichment is possible, if Iran demonstrates, concretely and verifiably, it has exclusively a peaceful nuclear program. But that compromise needs to contain a suspension long enough to matter, and any restart of Iran’s centrifuge program would require the satisfaction of a set of criteria. The most fundamental one is a determination that the program would be economically and commercially viable. How long is enough? A 20-year time period is often discussed. It is critical that a 20-year suspension does not mean a 20-year preparation for rebuilding; the condition of a spring back was a deep flaw at the heart of the JCPOA. There must be a halt to the current centrifuge program for its entire duration. It must mean, at the beginning of the 20 years, redirecting all employees in the centrifuge program to other areas of work, and dismantling key components and equipment of the centrifuge program under international supervision. This is critical because without any halt, it would likely take Iran more than a decade to rebuild its enrichment capacity anyway, if not longer, given the current sanctions regime and the immense amount of imported, sensitive equipment and materials at the heart of its enrichment industry. A new agreement should not legitimize the reconstruction of a centrifuge program during this suspension, one making no economic sense while posing a grave proliferation risk. When the risk is gone and the economics makes sense, then Iran can recreate a centrifuge program. Significant sanctions relief would follow the successful completion of the initial verification of the end of Iran’s nuclear weaponization program, the verified dismantlement of its centrifuge program, and removal or downblending of enriched uranium stocks to natural uranium. More sanctions relief would follow the successful completion of the second, more thorough IAEA verification. Unfortunately, many are willing to make Iran’s case. U.S. negotiators unable and unwilling to discuss details are dismissed as incompetent, although they are correct to hold the line on the latter, and the former helps them with it. Many others continue to say that asking Iran to give up enrichment is a lot, and asking for a lot means the war will continue, when in fact, the war has destroyed so much. What used to be a lot is now a little. And if Iran moves to rebuild a small enrichment plant sufficient to further enrich its 60 percent to 90 percent enriched uranium, then it is clearly moving to build nuclear weapons and inviting a resumption of military conflict, while likely still needing well over a year to build a nuclear weapon out of the weapon-grade uranium. So, there is time to accomplish a more fundamental and pressing goal, a simple and straightforward one, with no complicated sequencing, establishing verifiably that Iran is committed to a peaceful nuclear program and, in parallel, to establish a cooling off period of at least 20 years where Iran continues its halt across its entire enrichment program.  This approach, focused fundamentally on NPT compliance, is more amenable to gathering international support and justifying further U.S. actions. isis-online.org/isis-reports/t…

Fuck you @nytimes and @NickKristof. A garbage paper publishing a garbage "reporter." Done with you.

@nytimes is a garbage paper. Belongs on the trash heap of history.

Much has been written about @NickKristof's latest NYT opinion column over the past 24 hours, most of it focusing on the specific claims and their sourcing, but what I think deserves most attention is something broader: how this kind of journalism, whatever its intentions, ultimately makes accountability harder to achieve rather than easier, and harms the very people it claims to champion. The principle that Israeli abuses should be investigated and condemned is not in dispute, and nobody serious is arguing otherwise. Israel is not above scrutiny, and in fact it operates under more intense international scrutiny than almost any country on earth, routinely held to standards applied nowhere else. The problem here is something different entirely: the complete collapse of evidentiary standards the moment Israel is the subject. This piece reads less like rigorous reporting and more like a catalogue of hearsay, unverifiable allegations, and activist claims stitched together into a sweeping moral indictment. Its sourcing leans heavily on Euro Med Human Rights Monitor, an organisation repeatedly criticised over extremist ties, disinformation, and deeply questionable methodology, yet treated throughout as a credible authority while its leadership openly engages in pro Hamas propaganda on X. Worse, the same ecosystem of activists and self appointed “experts” that amplifies Euro Med’s claims online increasingly feeds narratives into more established organisations and media outlets, laundering deeply contested allegations into the appearance of institutional credibility. The most severe claims are anonymous, uncorroborated, and presented in the emotional register of established fact rather than allegation, despite lacking meaningful evidentiary backing. Yet Kristof largely adopts them without serious scrutiny, publishing the piece in the Opinion section because even the already diminished evidentiary standards often applied to reporting on the Israeli Palestinian conflict would likely not suffice for it to pass as straight news reporting. This approach doesn't strengthen accountability, it actively destroys it. When every allegation is immediately inflated into systematic rape and "standard operating procedure" before any serious verification, genuine investigation becomes harder rather than easier. Real abuses, if they occurred, get buried beneath maximalist narratives so extreme that large portions of the public simply stop trusting any of it, and the people who actually suffered pay that price. It also alienates the vast majority of Israelis and Jews worldwide, including the many who are perfectly capable of criticising Israeli policy and supporting investigations into misconduct, but who understandably recoil when accusations begin resembling modernised blood libels dressed up as human rights reporting. The framing matters enormously, and so does proportionality, and so does evidence. Nor does any of this serve Palestinians. Atrocity inflation entrenches both sides deeper into defensive tribalism, and every dubious claim amplified by a prestigious outlet makes legitimate criticism easier to dismiss when it actually matters. The timing compounds everything. On a day when documented reporting on Hamas sexual violence was again circulating, the NYT chose to run an opinion column built substantially on unverifiable anonymous testimony asserting that Israelis are conducting systemic rape campaigns, not as a rigorously evidenced investigative report but as an opinion piece with the imprimatur of the paper of record. Kristof is not a naive bystander in any of this. In 2014 he used the full credibility of the NYT to repeatedly platform Somaly Mam, a Cambodian anti-trafficking activist whose harrowing personal story he championed across multiple columns, until it emerged that her backstory was substantially fabricated and he was forced to issue a public correction. When challenged this time around on his sourcing, corroboration, and methodology, he defaulted to bad faith engagement on social media rather than addressing the underlying concerns seriously. It is the same pattern, playing out again in a different context. Real journalism requires skepticism, corroboration, and restraint applied consistently regardless of the subject, and when those standards disappear the moment Israel is involved, what remains is not human rights reporting but narrative activism wearing a journalist's costume that does far more harm than good to everyone it claims to serve.

@AOC @GovKathyHochul @AndreaSCousins @CarlHeastieNY @NYCMayor This is all a bunch of bullshit. You're not fooling anyone with this crap.

A triumphant accomplishment and a demonstration of what we can accomplish together. Thank you @GovKathyHochul, @AndreaSCousins, and @CarlHeastieNY for rising to the moment and to the visionary leadership of @NYCMayor who never gave up on a city that works for all New Yorkers.

@AOC @GovKathyHochul @AndreaSCousins @CarlHeastieNY @NYCMayor Congratulations on kicking the can down the road. The Mayor’s deficit closing relies primarily on a huge bailout from Albany ($8b over 2 years) and delayed payments like pension costs which just get stretched farther into the future

⬅️ Coca ➡️ Cola

🎥 EXCLUSIVE: Iran International’s @SamiraGharaei tells Channel 14’s that Iran’s economy is collapsing under internet shutdowns and pressure from the regime. Businesses are failing, jobs are gone, and frustration is boiling over. “The Iranian people love Israel.”