Daniel Markovits

2.5K posts

Daniel Markovits

Daniel Markovits

@markovitis

Phd student in political science @Columbia studying voter responses to democratic threat in America.

New York, USA Katılım Şubat 2017
829 Takip Edilen619 Takipçiler
Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
1/ Will voters participate in the primary of a party they oppose to prevent the nomination of a candidate they fear? In a new paper in AJPS with @HayleyCohen, we study crossover voting using surveys and a large field experiment (N=83,902) in the 2024 New Hampshire Republican presidential primary. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aj…
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
6/ The broader takeaway: By crossing over and backing moderate candidates, voters can lower the stakes of general elections. Voters worried about the future of democracy and confronted with an uncompetitive primary in their own party can further pro-democratic candidates by combining a strategic turnout decision and a sincere vote choice.
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
5/ The encouragement worked. Turnout in the competitive Republican primary increased by about 1.6 percentage points, while turnout in the Democratic primary fell by about 0.5 points. Effects were somewhat smaller among voters living with other Democrats, but effects don’t change by how likely a voter is to support the Democrat in the general election.
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
@jon_m_rob One thing that might be dangerous about RCV is if it removes the incentive for candidates to drop out and make a full throated endorsement, but then their votes split like this...
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Jonathan Robinson
Jonathan Robinson@jon_m_rob·
Given discussion of RCV in '28 Dem Pres primary, worth revisiting AK's experience -- Biden won ~56% of the top-2 cand vote in "round 1", ultimately got 55% in "final". Just like in NYC mayor & other races, e.g., Warren, etc, voters split their votes evenly, not ideologically
Jonathan Robinson@jon_m_rob

This kind of got lost in the shuffle but AK ran an RCV Dem. presidential primary all mail party run primary in early April. Results below. static1.squarespace.com/static/54bee0c…

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Justin Slaughter
Justin Slaughter@JBSDC·
This is likely rolling until the week after the November 4th election at least, and I think it’s more likely it goes into 2026 than ends before 11/4.
Jake Sherman@JakeSherman

🚨NEWS in @PunchbowlNews AM: THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION is girding for a long shutdown. They are in the process of finding money to pay for law enforcement officers. They're using tariff revenue to pay for WIC for the foreseeable future. “OMB is making every preparation to batten down the hatches and ride out the Democrats’ intransigence,” an OMB official told us. “Pay the troops, pay law enforcement, continue the RIFs, and wait.” punchbowl.news/archive/101425… The bet Dems have made is that Trump will push Johnson/Thune to sit down and make a deal. At this point, that's not happening.

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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
That being said, we find that a defense of Trump's prosecution weakly hurt him by damaging his standing among Republicans who were hesistant towards him pre-treatment. So to the extent the prosecution of Trump helped him to consolidate support in the Republican Primary it was probably through his domination of the media environment, not through a "rally around the prosecuted" candidate effect.
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
Great thread from @AOD_PhD summarizing our new paper in @PNASNexus. I think a big takeaway is that partisans have strong priors about party leaders and topics that have been litigiated in partisan media, but very weak priors about many other public servants. So someone like Jack Smith, who begins as a relatively anonymous prosecutor, rapidly develops a polarizing public reputation, while not making much of an impact on electoral politics.
Andrew O’Donohue@AOD_PhD

New article! @markovitis and I examine how prosecutions of political leaders affect public opinion by studying the valuable case of Trump's criminal prosecution. Key finding: rhetoric from Trump's prosecutor marginally ⬇️ intention of voting for Trump but massively ⬆️ backlash 1/

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Daniel Markovits retweetledi
Andrew O’Donohue
Andrew O’Donohue@AOD_PhD·
New article! @markovitis and I examine how prosecutions of political leaders affect public opinion by studying the valuable case of Trump's criminal prosecution. Key finding: rhetoric from Trump's prosecutor marginally ⬇️ intention of voting for Trump but massively ⬆️ backlash 1/
Andrew O’Donohue tweet media
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
@milansingh03 @SplitTicket_ Yeah, and I think this holds even when you try to unbundle from general policy extremism, but unlike most vague anti-democratic proposals gerrymandering brings such clear rewards that I think you need a much larger penalty to matter.
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
This is a case where the public opinion literature on democratic norms is very practically useful: voters don't like efforts to rig elections in isolation, even as they won't massively punish candidates who back such proposals in general elections (where many other policies are at stake). Still, "they did it first" is almost certainly the best way for both parties to raise public support for these proposals.
InteractivePolls@IAPolls2022

A new POLITICO poll shows California voters prefer keeping an independent line-drawing panel to determine the state’s House seats “by nearly a two-to-one margin” (64%) while only “36% of respondents back returning congressional redistricting authority to state lawmakers

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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
@MattZeitlin Also the general involves candidates and voters from actually different parties, it's a lot easier to strategically vote for one ideologically similar primary candidate over another than for Republicans to back Cuomo.
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Daniel Markovits
Daniel Markovits@markovitis·
@joshmccrain I think of Alaska as suggesting a case for RCV that basically comes down to: "its harder for several reasons for a majority party to always win elections" that we can't really test at the local level and that differs from more idealistic explanations.
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Josh McCrain
Josh McCrain@joshmccrain·
there are a lot of policy levers to pull and finite resources to advocate towards fixing "problems" in political institutions. my controversial take is we should not strongly advocate for one lever/solution if we don't have the evidence for it
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Josh McCrain
Josh McCrain@joshmccrain·
Was on a panel here a few years ago w/ a bunch of RCV advocates, and it was a huge shock to everyone when I said a) empirical evidence isn't there; and b) it's not even clear why the mechanisms they propose would exist. Entire think tanks exist to advocate for RCV w/ no evidence!
Lee Drutman ⚙️🏛@leedrutman

Yet another null finding for RCV's effect. Time to accept that RCV is too marginal to make any meaningful difference on political outcomes or representation, and move on?

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