Sebastian Gorka DrG

NEW: Cole Allen wrote a manifesto saying he was targeting Trump officials: "I am no longer willing to permit a pedophile, rapist, and traitor to coat my hands with his crimes."

“The conduct expected of our Sailors does not end when they log on. Online misconduct undermines our values, professionalism, and the trust placed in the United States Navy,” said Adm. Daryl Caudle, Chief of Naval Operations.

Today, following Iran’s resumption of attacks on international shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned an Iranian financial facilitator who has effectively institutionalized large‑scale embezzlement within the Iranian regime, diverting publicly funded wealth offshore. OFAC today also targeted key Iranian exchange houses that move billions of dollars annually on behalf of sanctioned Iranian banks.

BREAKING: DOT confirms to us that the truck driver who allegedly kiIIed 21-year-old UMass goalie and rising soccer star Tobias Forsythe, FAILED AN ENGLISH PROFICIENCY TEST. The driver was Uzbek national Bekhzod Asrarov. DOT tells me he FAILED an English language proficiency test and couldn’t understand officers when they arrived at the scene of the crash. He was granted a CDL in Ohio.

Marcus Aurelius – the most reasonable guy from 19 centuries ago. Perhaps because Rome was roughly at the stage at which we find ourselves now. He was the most powerful man in the world. He wrote the Meditations — his private journal, never intended for publication — to remind himself, daily, not to abuse that fact. Nineteen centuries later it reads less like ancient philosophy than like a letter from someone who understood exactly where we are now. 1. The Meditations were never meant to be read. This is what makes them the most trustworthy document in Western philosophy. No audience, no performance, no system to defend. Just a man at the top of the world’s greatest empire writing notes to himself about how not to become what power usually makes of people. Every other philosopher was constructing an argument. Marcus was conducting a daily inspection of his own character. 2. He ruled at the precise moment Rome peaked and began its long decline. Plague, barbarian pressure on every frontier, economic strain, institutional decay. He spent more of his reign on military campaigns in the mud (remember Gladiator?) than in philosophical contemplation in Rome – which was not what he wanted, and which he did anyway, because duty is not contingent on preference. This is the core Stoic move, and it is the opposite of everything the modern therapeutic culture teaches. 3. His central question is not “what do I feel?” It is “what is required of me?” The distinction sounds simple. It is civilizational. A culture organized around the first question produces Brave New World. A culture organized around the second produces the Pax Romana – and eventually, when it forgets the question, produces what comes after the Pax Romana. 4. You cannot control events. You can only control your response to them. This sounds like a self-help aphorism and is actually a load-bearing philosophical principle. It means: stop organizing your life around the management of outcomes you cannot guarantee, and start organizing it around the quality of the person and the decisions doing the managing. The Stoics called this the inner citadel – the one thing no external force can touch, the one thing worth defending absolutely. 5. He catalogued power’s corruptions with the precision of a man who felt them daily. The temptation to be flattered. The temptation to surround yourself with people who agree. The temptation to confuse your position with your worth. He wrote these down not as warnings to others but as active resistance to his own tendencies. The most powerful man in the world was more worried about becoming a fool than about any barbarian on any frontier. He was right to be. 6. His son Commodus was his civilizational failure – the thing he could not fix. The philosopher-emperor who spent his life practicing virtue produced an heir who made the gladiatorial games his primary occupation and declared himself a living god. No philosophy of personal virtue, however rigorous, solves the succession problem. Institutions must outlast the men who build them or they are not institutions – they are personalities. 7. Rome in Marcus Aurelius’s time was roughly where the West is now: still dominant, still functioning, already hollowing out from within – the institutions still standing, the spirit that built them quietly departing. He saw it. He wrote about it. He held the line for as long as one man could hold a line, knowing that after him came what came after him. His last entry in the Meditations might as well have been written this morning: begin the morning by telling yourself – today I will meet people who are ungrateful, arrogant, dishonest, envious, and unsocial. They are this way because they cannot tell good from evil. But I have seen the good and the beautiful, and I will not be made into them. He failed to save Rome. He left us the notes on how to try.

Niccolò Machiavelli wrote The Prince in 1513 as a practical manual for power. For five centuries, polite society has pretended to be shocked by it. Meanwhile, every successful political operator — on every side — has been quietly following it. The only people who haven’t read it are the ones who keep losing. 1. Machiavelli’s central insight is not that the ends justify the means. That is the misquote that lets comfortable people dismiss him. His actual insight is simpler and more disturbing: power has its own logic, independent of morality, and those who refuse to understand that logic will be defeated by those who do. The Prince is not a villain’s manual. It is a description of reality that makes virtuous people uncomfortable – because reality doesn’t care about their virtue. 2. The current progressive system applies Machiavelli more fluently than any of its opponents. His first rule: the appearance of virtue matters more than virtue itself. The DEI statement while systematically excluding dissent. The democracy rhetoric while suppressing opposition. The compassion branding while destroying careers. This is Machiavelli’s prince – not good, but performing goodness to maintain legitimacy. The performance is the power. 3. His second rule, which the current system also applies perfectly: cruelty, when necessary, should be delivered swiftly, completely, and early. Cancellation is Machiavellian – total, swift, exemplary. The point isn’t the individual being cancelled. The point is the ten thousand people watching who quietly adjust their behavior. One public destruction purchases a million private silences. Machiavelli would have recognized the mechanism immediately. He invented the theory. 4. Communism applied the fear side of Machiavelli with full conviction – Stalin made the explicit choice Machiavelli described: better to be feared than loved. The show trial is pure Machiavellian theater – a public demonstration of power functioning as a warning to everyone who isn’t on trial. But communism made his fatal mistake: it destroyed the people’s goodwill so completely that it generated not just fear but hatred. And Machiavelli is unambiguous – you can rule through fear, you cannot survive through hatred. 5. His most important democratic insight — the one nobody quotes — is that the prince who builds his power on the people is more secure than one who builds it on elites. Elites are few, demanding, and treacherous. The people are many, ask only not to be oppressed, and are a more stable foundation. The political movement that actually connects with ordinary people against the credentialed elite is applying Machiavelli more correctly than the elite relying on institutional capture alone. 6. What should we do? Stop bringing virtue to a knife fight. The chronic error of the opposition is the naive prince Machiavelli explicitly warns against – the leader who assumes truth wins automatically, who believes that being right is a strategy. It is not a strategy. It is a precondition. Being right gives you something worth fighting for. Machiavelli tells you how to fight: build your own power base, never rely entirely on others, control your narrative before your enemies do, and treat fortune as something to be seized, not waited for. Fortune favors the bold. Not the righteous. The bold. 7. Machiavelli is taught in universities as cynical amoralism – the thing decent people reject. This framing is itself Machiavellian – it keeps the manual out of the hands of the people who most need it. The current establishment didn’t reject Machiavelli. It institutionalized him, rebranded him in the language of social justice, and uses him daily. The opposition reads Augustine and loses. The system reads Machiavelli and wins. Until the side that is actually right decides that understanding power is not a betrayal of principle but a precondition for defending it – the result will be the same. Virtue without strategy is just a dignified way of losing.

The IDF is lying about the detention of Rep. Khanna. I was on the ground with him that day, and my body camera captured us being detained by both settlers and Israeli soldiers. The IDF did not disperse the violent settlers, as they claim. They explicitly sided with them.